iieiiei1eWrkers - Leicester Research Archive - University of Leicester
iieiiei1eWrkers - Leicester Research Archive - University of Leicester
iieiiei1eWrkers - Leicester Research Archive - University of Leicester
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The production <strong>of</strong> popular music in the Azona and Grammy companies<br />
This same argument can also be applied to the music industry, except that the<br />
artists and music companies need to draw on their audience as sources <strong>of</strong><br />
material and not nierely as consumers <strong>of</strong> finished products. This issue has<br />
stiimilated debates in the sociology <strong>of</strong> popular music centred around the notions<br />
<strong>of</strong> authenticity versus artifice. 10<br />
100<br />
But it is not a question <strong>of</strong> either one or<br />
the other. As Hennion argued, the production <strong>of</strong> popular music,<br />
"aims chiefly at preserving and developing artistic methods which act as<br />
veritable mediators <strong>of</strong> public taste, while accoinplishiiig a production job<br />
which must also be technical, financial a/Id commericial.<br />
(Hennion, 1983:160)<br />
As we shall show, Thai music companies have structured themselves in order to<br />
mobilise artistic creativity in the service <strong>of</strong> organisation goals. In contrast to<br />
the drama companies' 'mechanistic' style <strong>of</strong> management in which production is<br />
governed by instructions and decisions issued by superiors, work structures in<br />
music companies are 'organic' in the sense defined by Burns and Stalker that:<br />
"Job lose ,i,iic/i <strong>of</strong> their formal definition iii ternis <strong>of</strong> methods, duties.<br />
and powers, which have to be redefined continually by interaction u'ii/I<br />
others participating in a task. Interaction runs laterally as much as<br />
verticall y . Communication between people <strong>of</strong> different ranks tends to<br />
resemble lateral consultation rat/icr lila/I vertical co,nmnamid.<br />
(Burns and Stalker, 1961:5-6)<br />
The organisation <strong>of</strong> the Thai music industry, as observed in the two large<br />
music corporations, Azona and Grammy, clearly conforms to this description.<br />
Administration and organisation goals<br />
The Azona and Gramniy corporations are niusic publishers for different segments<br />
<strong>of</strong> the market. Azona began by producing mainly Pleng Luktoong or folk i'ock<br />
aimed at rural audiences and working class youth, but it quickly expanded into<br />
Pleng Lukroong or middle-<strong>of</strong>-the-road popular music as it concentrated the entire<br />
production process vertically in its 20 million hht (approximately £0.5 million)<br />
manufacturing outfit. In contrast, Grammy caters for urban youth, the middle<br />
classes and the intellectuals with their adaptations <strong>of</strong> western rock-' n'-roll music.<br />
known in Thai as 'Siring music ' . It publishes music but does not have its<br />
own recording studio or printing facility.<br />
However, the company does l)roduce<br />
10 See for example, Simon Frith's (1981 and 1987) "'7'I:e illogic thai call<br />
sd you free': the ideology <strong>of</strong> folk amid the myth <strong>of</strong> the mock community"<br />
and "Towards an aesthetic <strong>of</strong> popular music ".