18.01.2013 Views

iieiiei1eWrkers - Leicester Research Archive - University of Leicester

iieiiei1eWrkers - Leicester Research Archive - University of Leicester

iieiiei1eWrkers - Leicester Research Archive - University of Leicester

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles

YUMPU automatically turns print PDFs into web optimized ePapers that Google loves.

The production <strong>of</strong> popular music in the Azona and Grammy companies<br />

This same argument can also be applied to the music industry, except that the<br />

artists and music companies need to draw on their audience as sources <strong>of</strong><br />

material and not nierely as consumers <strong>of</strong> finished products. This issue has<br />

stiimilated debates in the sociology <strong>of</strong> popular music centred around the notions<br />

<strong>of</strong> authenticity versus artifice. 10<br />

100<br />

But it is not a question <strong>of</strong> either one or<br />

the other. As Hennion argued, the production <strong>of</strong> popular music,<br />

"aims chiefly at preserving and developing artistic methods which act as<br />

veritable mediators <strong>of</strong> public taste, while accoinplishiiig a production job<br />

which must also be technical, financial a/Id commericial.<br />

(Hennion, 1983:160)<br />

As we shall show, Thai music companies have structured themselves in order to<br />

mobilise artistic creativity in the service <strong>of</strong> organisation goals. In contrast to<br />

the drama companies' 'mechanistic' style <strong>of</strong> management in which production is<br />

governed by instructions and decisions issued by superiors, work structures in<br />

music companies are 'organic' in the sense defined by Burns and Stalker that:<br />

"Job lose ,i,iic/i <strong>of</strong> their formal definition iii ternis <strong>of</strong> methods, duties.<br />

and powers, which have to be redefined continually by interaction u'ii/I<br />

others participating in a task. Interaction runs laterally as much as<br />

verticall y . Communication between people <strong>of</strong> different ranks tends to<br />

resemble lateral consultation rat/icr lila/I vertical co,nmnamid.<br />

(Burns and Stalker, 1961:5-6)<br />

The organisation <strong>of</strong> the Thai music industry, as observed in the two large<br />

music corporations, Azona and Grammy, clearly conforms to this description.<br />

Administration and organisation goals<br />

The Azona and Gramniy corporations are niusic publishers for different segments<br />

<strong>of</strong> the market. Azona began by producing mainly Pleng Luktoong or folk i'ock<br />

aimed at rural audiences and working class youth, but it quickly expanded into<br />

Pleng Lukroong or middle-<strong>of</strong>-the-road popular music as it concentrated the entire<br />

production process vertically in its 20 million hht (approximately £0.5 million)<br />

manufacturing outfit. In contrast, Grammy caters for urban youth, the middle<br />

classes and the intellectuals with their adaptations <strong>of</strong> western rock-' n'-roll music.<br />

known in Thai as 'Siring music ' . It publishes music but does not have its<br />

own recording studio or printing facility.<br />

However, the company does l)roduce<br />

10 See for example, Simon Frith's (1981 and 1987) "'7'I:e illogic thai call<br />

sd you free': the ideology <strong>of</strong> folk amid the myth <strong>of</strong> the mock community"<br />

and "Towards an aesthetic <strong>of</strong> popular music ".

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!