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iieiiei1eWrkers - Leicester Research Archive - University of Leicester

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As unemployment has grown steadily, from 1.06 million in 1982 to 1.68<br />

million in 1985 (Bank <strong>of</strong> Thailand, 1985) so have the figures for female and<br />

child labour and prostitution, which are estimatated at 1.3 million and 500,000<br />

respectively (Civil Liberty Union, 1985). The government's balance sheet now<br />

depends heavily on in-flows <strong>of</strong> foreign currency from tourism and remittances<br />

from Thai labour working abroad, particularly in the Middle-East. These<br />

sources <strong>of</strong> overseas earnings have now superseded rice exports. In 1983, these<br />

two categories, ranked 1st and 3rd, together made up 67% <strong>of</strong> the total inflow.<br />

Privatisation is also at the top <strong>of</strong> the current agenda but public protests and<br />

union resistance has so far slowed down the process.<br />

In common with disillusioned students and intellectuals in the 1970s, the new<br />

generation <strong>of</strong> activists is challenging authority in a renewed effort to define the<br />

concepts <strong>of</strong> equality, social justice and democracy from an alternative perspective<br />

through their involovement in the Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) such<br />

as those dealing with human rights, child labour, and women's rights. In<br />

response, the realigned power bloc, formed by the coalition <strong>of</strong> the military and<br />

civilian government, had re-emphasised the traditional institutions <strong>of</strong> Buddhism<br />

and the monarchy. These are the most fundamental ideological institutions in<br />

Thai society and they have proved decisive in times <strong>of</strong> political crises, for both<br />

the right and the left. Although Sarit was able to exploit the symbol <strong>of</strong> the<br />

monarchy and suppress religious autonomy, during his regime in the early<br />

1960s, events in the 1970s demonstrated that the radical right slogan <strong>of</strong><br />

'Nation-Religion-King' could not contain the waves <strong>of</strong> struggle brought about by<br />

social transformation and ideological upheaval <strong>of</strong> that period. As a consequence,<br />

modifications have been made to accommodate demand for religious reforms<br />

coming from moderates and radicals in the Sangha. At the same time, there<br />

have been incessant national celebrations <strong>of</strong> the monarchy throughout the 1980s.<br />

They include; the Rattanakosin Bicentennial in 1982; the king's 60th birthday in<br />

1987; and the 42nd anniversary <strong>of</strong> the coronaiton <strong>of</strong> the longest reigning<br />

monarch <strong>of</strong> the Chakri dynasty in 1988. But despite these strenuous efforts,<br />

there remains a fundamental disjunction between the rhetoric <strong>of</strong> a peaceful and<br />

pIOSpOUS kingdom, under a righteous king, based on Dhamma - the other<br />

worldly happiness - and the daily reality <strong>of</strong> poverty and rising consumerism in<br />

a capitalist system. How this disjunction is addressed or ignored in the major<br />

mass medium - popular radio - is the subject <strong>of</strong> this thesis. But before<br />

embarking on a detailed examination, it is necessary to look a liitle more<br />

closely at the main elements <strong>of</strong> ideology in play in Thai society at the present<br />

time and the tensions and contradictions between them.<br />

15

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