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whose shrines the Oba keeps within a cycle of<br />

periodic rites and rituals. The Oba remains the<br />

de facto owner of all Bini land, while the state<br />

theoretically holds all land in trust for the people.<br />

Benin City was surrounded by three huge<br />

earthworks that involved considerable engineering<br />

skill. According to Graham Connah (1975) it<br />

must have taken a labour force of about 5,000<br />

men working ten hours a day for seven days a<br />

week for about nine months to complete the<br />

gigantic bank and ditch of the innermost walls,<br />

these being the most sophisticated of the three.<br />

Thus the walls are the culmination of a<br />

thousand-year long process that created the<br />

world’s longest earthworks: some 10,000 miles<br />

of banks and ditches in a reticulated complex<br />

covering about 2,000 square miles up to the<br />

neighbouring Edoid Ishan chiefdoms to the nor-th<br />

west of Benin City (Darling 1984). Three rings of<br />

interconnected earthworks are discernible; two<br />

of which are ascribed by oral traditions to the<br />

rei n of the 5th king, Oba Oguola, at about the<br />

13 il Century and were intended to serve as a<br />

defence mechanism against menacing giants<br />

(Akpanigiakon). The same version credits the<br />

same king with ordering the network of village<br />

walls to be constructed along the city models.<br />

The innermost walls (the third) are credited to<br />

the reign of Oba Ewuare (1440-1473 AD) who is<br />

said to have ordered their construction to check<br />

the massive exodus from Benin City occasioned<br />

by his reign of terror. Medicine pots were placed<br />

at all nine entrantes to the city through the walls<br />

which were also manned by able-bodied men. At<br />

the annual Igue festival these shrines are still<br />

propitiated to prevent malevolent spirits from<br />

attacking the village with epidemics or untimely<br />

deaths arising from accidents. Unpropitiated<br />

spirits are banished to the ancient rival kingdom<br />

of Udo to the south-west.<br />

The earthworks and city wall had been perceived<br />

as barriers between the spirit world and the real<br />

world, a limbo of restless spirits into which the<br />

corpses of deceased people who had no sons to<br />

perform their mortuary rites were dumped by the<br />

community. The main city wall was perceived as<br />

impregnable until 1897 when the rackets of the<br />

invading British Army defied the gods, forcing the<br />

Oba out of the city into refuge in one of the<br />

outlying villages. With their mystical and physical<br />

defensive functions breached, the walls tended<br />

to lose their aura in the lives of the Bini people.<br />

Their continued association as limbo for disposa1<br />

- 92 -<br />

Authenticity and Integrity in an African Context<br />

of wastes and the unwanted has aggressively<br />

intensified with urban pressure, creating<br />

environmental hazards in floods, erosion and<br />

refuse dumps! However, the moats serve as<br />

visual metaphors acting as unwritten codes,<br />

boundary and space makers in ordering space<br />

during burial processions and those associated<br />

with installation of chiefs and titled men as well<br />

as helping to resolve conflicts over land. The<br />

present kings’ coronation routes in 1979 were<br />

ordered and mapped by their association with<br />

walls and moats in relation to extant shrines<br />

(Eboreime 1979). The walls helped to define the<br />

built-up areas of the city which was divided into<br />

two unequal parts; the Ogbe (Royal Section) to<br />

the south-west and the Ore (the town), to the<br />

north-east. The occupational guilds, numbering<br />

forty-fifty wards, were located in the town.<br />

Surrounding the major residential area of the<br />

town were a number of isolated settlements that<br />

lay outside the main inner walls but within a<br />

second wall, a kilometre or SO farther out. The<br />

seven Councillors of State, Uzama (king-makers),<br />

had and still have their villages outside the inner<br />

walls of the City. Wide roads were constructed<br />

from the palace to each of the Uzama villages.<br />

The roads provided the framework upon which<br />

straight streets were laterally laid. Ritual<br />

specialists and toll collectors resided at the entry<br />

points/gates to the city (Onokerhoraye 1995).<br />

As this layout and residential pattern have remai-<br />

ned more or less the same to this day, SO are the<br />

associated rituals, the processions, and the<br />

myths which reinforce Benin tradition and<br />

identity within the pluralistic structure of Nigeria’s<br />

modern nation state, where ethnie solidarity is<br />

more instrumental than party affiliation in<br />

negotiating for centrally controlled resources.<br />

The politics of authenticity<br />

In spite of the global importance of Benin City, its<br />

history, architecture, earthworks and traditions, it<br />

has been difficult until recently to take the<br />

nomination of Benin City beyond what it was in<br />

1997. The complexity of the Benin material was<br />

accentuated by the conflicts of the principal<br />

stakeholders, the Government and the Oba.<br />

While the military government had a radical<br />

perception of development which at times<br />

involved the demolition of monuments and the<br />

alteration of the age-long pattern of settlements,<br />

the Oba was rather circumspect of radical<br />

changes. Time was required for more consultations

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