DEFORESTATION AROUND THE WORLD - India Environment Portal

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190 Deforestation Around the World “uncontacted” and range widely within the titled territory and the park. All in all, the Waodani inhabit over 1.5 million hectares of land in the rainy upper Amazon and Andean foothills, arguably the world’s most biodiverse forest (Bass et al. 2010). Fig. 1. Waodani territory titles (Lara et al. 2002b) 1 Year By whom and to whom Extension (ha) 1960 (1983) IERAC (Instituto Ecuatoriano de Reforma Agraria y Colonización) to Waodani Ethnic Group, specifying the “community organizations” Tiweno, Tzapino, Wamono, Kiwaro, Dayuno, Toñampade 1990 / 1998 IERAC to the “Waorani Ethnicity”, specifying the community organizations identified as: Kewediono, Damointado, Nuevo Tiweno, Kenaweno, Nuevo Golondrina, Cononaco, Owanamo, Tagaeri, Tiwino and Yasuní 2001 INDA (Instituto Nacional de Desarrollo Agrario) to the Organización de Nacionalidades Waodani de la Amazonía Ecuatoriana (ONHAE) Table 1. Waodani territory titles (Lara et al. 2002b) 66,570 612,560 / 613,750 29,019 1The size of the first title is inaccurately represented in this map. The first territory has never been accurately georeferenced.
Deforestation and Waodani Lands in Ecuador: Mapping and Demarcation Amidst Shaky Politics The process of land titling has accompanied an equally ambiguous process of organizational development for the Waodani. The Protectorado experience, while it brought an end to the more overt internal violence, was traumatic as it combined the initial contact with the west (sedentary communities, change in diets and technologies, dependence on outsiders for subsistence and new material goods, change in health conditions) with intense social change because of the concentration of the population in a small area, a new generalized leadership by a woman who acted as cultural broker, controlling the flow goods and services from missionaries and other outsiders (replacing the traditional situational leadership by men), and new relationships with Kichwas through marriage that facilitated access by Waodani to external resources while at the same time permitting access by Kichwas to Waodani natural resources and land (Holt et al. 2004; Yost 1981; 1991). As early as 1972, however, the Waodani in the Protectorado began returning to areas they had previously occupied to the west, in some cases settling near oil operations in order to benefit from work and gifts provided by the companies. 3. The development of Waodani political representation The first formal Waodani political organization, ONHAE (Organización de la Nacionalidad Huaorani del Ecuador), was not constituted until 1990, by the first young Waodani men who had received formal education in Spanish, and supported by the oil company Maxus which required a formal counterpart to secure its operations in Waodani territory. In 1993 Maxus signed a ground-breaking 20-year agreement with ONHAE (although numerous oil companies work in Waodani territory this remains the only agreement signed with the Waodani organization and benefitting the Waodani people as a whole; subsequent agreements have only benefitted the communities within the oil company’s area of operations), providing resources for the organization itself and its leaders, as well as health, education and community development resources (Rival 2000). This agreement has been maintained by the Spanish company, Repsol, which took over Maxus operations in 1996. At the same time, however, in line with indigenous rights agendas and indigenous political organizations including CONFENIAE and CONAIE (Confederación de Nacionalidades Indígenas del Ecuador), ONHAE founders also expressed the new organization’s mission as preventing oil exploitation and road construction in Waodani territory, emitting a series of declarations to that effect since 1991 (Lara et al. 2002a; Rival 1992). It appears, therefore, that the Waorani might have chosen the card that had been dealt. Even Ziegler-Otero (2004: 6) agrees that ‘to preserve any semblance of cultural self-determination, indigenous people must be capable of negotiating.’ Negotiating and making a deal with Maxus offered the Waorani at least some tangible – though temporary - benefits in the context where rejecting those benefits would have left the Waorani empty-handed. Indeed, there are facts indicating that the Waorani were aware of the dilemma and they chose the pact with Maxus as ‘a lesser evil’. As Aviles (2008:42-43) states, ONHAE representatives first attracted the attention of the public by marching in Quito and denouncing both Maxus and Petroecuador (Ecuadorian oil company). The fact that the same people ended up signing the deal with Maxus shortly afterwards demonstrates the ultimate powerlessness of the Ecuadorian indigenous people in their dealings with the state and the external sources of revenues. This turn of events 191
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DEFORESTATION AROUND THE WORLD Edit
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Contents Preface IX Part 1 Deforest
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Preface Forests are giant reservoir
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Preface XI thankful to Maja Bozicev
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Part 1 Deforestation Impacts
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Part 3 Preventing Deforestation
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