II'!I II I';r I{J.\I I"I .\l'Jll lhll\lI ', III \II(IN ',11111111;11 i l.l'S II is III a II;I/.:C ri a I CUll I I ihll I it II I. 11I l"(l(Jldlllalill)..', all I lie various paris Ill' l1i vast industrial s{rlictUI"l·.S: ill 1 11").',;11 lisin)..', and disciplining large hodil:S of Illell, so that each mall filled into his 11iche and the whole acted with the mechanical precision or a Irailled army ... in comhining division of labour with effective supervisioll 1"1 11111 a common ccntrc ... a new epoch was inaugurated, i\lIdn'w lire's Philosophy of Manufactures is one of the major attempls ;II '"' '"'position of the factory system, a work cited often by Marx in ( "I,ilili. Its revealing preface speaks of tracing "the progression of the II. il ish system of industry, according to which every process peculiarly "i,''', alld therefore liable to injury from the ignorance and waywardness " I w, "'kmen, is withdrawn from handicraft control, and placed under the r,IIidance of self-acting machinery." Examining the nature of the new 'VSklll, we find, instead of domestic craft labor, "industrial labor. .. [which I imposes a regularity, routine, and monotony ... which conflicts ... with all the inclinations of a humanity as yet unconditioned into it," in the words of Ilohshawm. Factory production slowly supplanted that of the domestic svsil'm in the face of fierce opposition, and workers experienced the I
11111 INIHI .... ,I";\ ] 1.'\1\.1 .. \NII 1)(II\II-\ JI( ,\ [ '[( IN C( lilt il l lH HIS cmph )YIllC II t." Rdurning to the specifics of t"lsistallcc, Sir J:rcdcric 1':dcll, in his ,\'/fI',' of the Poor (1797), stated that the industrial lahorers of Manches"'l "rarely work on Monday and that many of them keep holiday two or three days in the week." Thus Vre's tirades about the employe,,,' "unworkful impulses," their "aversion to the control and conti nuity or factory labor," arc re!lccted in such data as the fact that as late as 1 H(). spinners would be missing from the factories on Mondays and Tuesdays. Absenteeism, as well as turnover, then, was part of the syndrome or striving to maintain a maximum of personal liberty. Max Weber spoke of the "immensely stubborn resistance" to the new work discipline, and a later social scientist, Reinhard Bendix, saw also that the drive to establish the management of labor on "an impersonal, systematic basis" was opposed "at every point." Vre, in a comment worth quoting at length, discusses the fight to master the workers in terms of Arkwright's career: The main difficulty [he face d was j above all, in training human beings to renounce their desultory habits of work, and to identify themselves with the unvarying regularity of the complex automation. To devise and administer a successful code of factory discipline, suited to the necessities of factory diligence, was the Herculean enterprise, the noble achlevment of Arkwnght. Even at the present day, when the system IS perfectly organized, and its labour lightened to the utmost, it is found nearly impossible to convert persons past the age of puberty, whether drawn from rural or from handicraft occupations, into useful factory hands. We also encounter in this selection from Vre the reason why early factory labor was so heavily comprised of the labor of children, women and paupers thrcatened with loss of the dole. Thompson quotes a witness before a Parliamentary investigative committee, that "all persons working on the power-loom are working there hy force because they cannot exist any other way." Hundreds of thousands clung to the deeply declining fortunes of hand-loom weaving for decades, in a classic case of the primacy of human dignity, which Mathias (The First Industrial Nazion) notes "defied the operation of simple economic incentives." What Hill termed the English craftsmen's tradition "of self-help and self-respect" was a major source of that popular will which denied complete dominion by capital, the "proud awareness that voluntarily going into a factory was to surrender their birth-right." Thompson demonstrates that the work rules "appeared as unnatural and hateful restraints" and that everything about factory life was an I :.I I-M! Nt \ II· RI't'I IS:\1 till 11IlIlt. "T(I slaJld at their cU1llmand" -this was the most deeply rcc ntctl . Illdigllity. 1:01' he felt himsdf, at heart, to be the real maker of the clolh.... f d to This spirit was why for example, paper manufacturers pre errc Irain ' ilexperienced I;bor for the new (post-1806) machine processes, I ather than employ skilled hand paper-makers. And why Samuel ( 'rompton, inventor of the spinning mule, lamented, relatJvely late m thIS pniod, To this day, though it is more than thirty years smce my Ifst mac me was shown to the public, I am hunted and watched WIth as mUCh nver. . ceasing care as if I was thc most notorious villam that ever dIsgraced the human form; and I do affirm that If I were to go to a smIthy to gct a common nail made, if opportunity offered to the bystanders, they would examine it most minutely to see if it was anythmg but a naIl. The battle raged for decades, with victories still bemg won at least as late as that over a Bradford entrepreneur in 1882, who tned to s,?crely install a power-loom but was discovered by the domestIC workers. It was therefore immediately taken down, and, placed in a cart under a convoy of constables, but the enraged weavers attacked and routed the consta bles, destroyed the loom, and dragged its roller and warp m tnum , h through Baildon." Little wonder that Vre wrote of the reqUIrement of . Napoleon nerve and ambition to subdue the refractory tempers of :,ork . people." Without idealizing the earlier period, or forgettmg that It was certainly defined by capitalist relationships, it is also true, as HIli ,,:,rote, "What was lost by factories and enclosure was the Jfldcpend nce, va:lety and freedom which small producers had enjoyed." Adam SmIth admJlted the "mental mutilation" due to the new division of l , bor, the destruchon of both an earlier alertness of mind and a prevIous VIvaCIty of both pam and pleasure." . . f' h' d i d Robert Owen likewise discussed this transformatIon when he ec are , in 1815, that "The general diffusion of mautactures throughout a country generates a new character. .. an essentlal change m the general character of the mass of the people." Less abstractly, the Hammonds harkened back to the early 19th century and heard the "lament that the games and happiness of life are disappearing," and that soon "the art of living had been degraded to its rudest forms." . . . In 1819 the reformer Francis Place, speakmg ot the populatIon of industrial Lancashire, was pleased to note that "Until very lately It would have been very dangerous to have assembled 500 of them on any . ' Now 100 000 people may he collected together and no not occasIOn.... , . 1780 d ensue." It was as Thompson summarized: gradually, between an
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Ti ll ' I{H'I I'." 1 II' '1"1 '( li
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. " IS AN IJ Wi tH .... :\ NJ ) 111
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important local collahorativL: setu
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THE PROMISE OF THE '80s For many, t
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' 1'111' 1·1( )I'vIISI · (II 1111
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J.) ·1 undcr-s pply u . cpitc a 6
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Sl" H'I";tI di ... ·d rllsl nf ins
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I ' THE '80s SO FAR " rom new lcvel
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PI'.! '.1 -N I I' \' "H I \ I I 1 I
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,. MEDIA, IRONY AND "BOB" It is not
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I'( )HM ANI ) ('()Nrl-NT IN 1, ' 1
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,(0)) ,. T,lylm, op. ("if., p. J..I
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2J.. l'red ('ouk, " l lanl ! LlL.,;
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Appendix: Excerpts from Adventures
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NUCLEAR MADNESS ... VIOLENCE AGAINS
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If it's humiliating to be ruled, ho