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CONTENTS - ouroboros ponderosa

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IIJ.I INIHISII' Ir\I.lSM ANI ) 1)(IMI-Sllt 'Al lt 'N<br />

and powcr Ilow el . . . . I ' k<br />

.<br />

.<br />

st:, 1C as 's, could a flcLorv . t'J I f<br />

Engels explain worker resistan . , " . ," t ' . .. .J CIS . n act, Marx alld<br />

Lletlhc<br />

socIalism" largely in terms<br />

c who arc the more hcaten aJIII<br />

of the survival of artisantypc eb t<br />

subordinated resist it the leas It' 'is h<br />

the category artisan ("underd 1<br />

t oneal lact that those closest to<br />

eve ope , ') actually have fclt the most<br />

capacity to abolish the wage system, precisely because they still exerci;c '<br />

some control of wo r k processcs.<br />

Throughout nearly all his writin h<br />

to the idea that, in socialist society gS'd' o evr, Marx managed to return<br />

through their work. But by the thO ' IV ;<br />

ua s would deveop fully in and<br />

changed and the emphasis was upr tO me of CapJlal hIS attitude had<br />

l<br />

begins, in fact, where that labor n wh ;ea of frcedom" which "only<br />

external purpose ceases " . c IS etermincd by need and<br />

I i '"<br />

tion proper." Th'us Mar a7 outsIde the sphere of material produc·<br />

.<br />

degradation of labor bc undon ts t ( not e (<br />

en under socialism will the<br />

notion of revolutionary pre e. IS I . S c osely related to the Marxist<br />

serva f Ion, In whIch the acquisitions and<br />

productivity of the capitalist e<br />

proletarian revolution.) The e <br />

system are, not to be disturbed by<br />

alton ?f Itfe IS hence banished,<br />

reduced to the marginalia of existence much lIke hobbles III class society.<br />

Despite his analysis of alienated I b<br />

philosophy is virtually a conseerato or, f mueh of the explicit core of his<br />

k<br />

D . . I n 0 war as tyranny ' . ur khelm, ' wntmg m the late 19th ce<br />

.<br />

'<br />

problem the need for a cohesl've . ntury, saw as the maIn social<br />

socIa I Integration , M ch J'k M<br />

. a Iso<br />

deSIred the consolidatio d ' u I e arx, who<br />

different reasons, Durkheim n th an ;;, auratIOn of capitalism, albeit for<br />

aug t e found the key Il1 division of<br />

labor. In the need for coord'<br />

discerned the essential sonatlon / ng <br />

ndered by division of labor, he<br />

inversion of human valus i ;ce so Idanty. Today this grotesque<br />

0 re specialization and its always theogmed rather fully; the hostility to<br />

au ontanan expertise I 's S t rong I y present.<br />

A I oak at the recent 0 in'<br />

"The Senseless War o se :I (r cades of rtielcs like Fortune's The perennial struggle against inte rati9 71) wIll suffIce.<br />

by the dommant system now<br />

contmues as a struggle for d' .' t .<br />

nihilist effort. The progress / r o: a ore and more consciously<br />

P g SS<br />

Its enemies with fe . IS left WIth few partIsans and<br />

w I '11USlons ' as to what IS worth preserving. '<br />

WHO KILLED NED LUDD?<br />

1/1 papier.mache likeness of Ned Ludd is one of the 1 symbols of the days<br />

,""I have gone, a reminder of what the workers' attitude to the new ideas<br />

might be if the unions had not grown strong and efficient.<br />

Trade Union Congress magazine Labour, at the time of the Produe·<br />

I it 111 Exhibition, 1956.<br />

I n England, the first industrial nation, and beginning in textiles,<br />

capital'S first and foremost enterprise there, arose the widespread<br />

(evolutionary movement (between 1810 and 1820) known as Luddism,<br />

'I'he challenge of the Luddite risings-and their defeat-was of very great<br />

importance to the subsequent course of modern society. Machine­<br />

wrecking, a principal weapon, pre·dates this period, to be sure; Darvall<br />

limes and bad, And it was certainly not confined to either textile workers<br />

accurately termed it "perennial" throughout the 18th century, in good<br />

or England. Farm workers, miners, millers, and many others joined in<br />

destroying machinery, often against what would generally be termed their<br />

own "economic interests." Similarly, as FUlop·Miller reminds us, there<br />

were the workers of Eurpen and Aix·la·Chapclle who destroyed the<br />

important Cockerill Works, the spinners of Schmoll en and Crimmitschau<br />

who razed the mills of those towns, and countless others at the dawn of<br />

the Industrial Revolution.<br />

Nevertheless, it was the English cloth workers-knitters, weavers<br />

spinners, croppers, shcarmen, and the like-who initiated a movement<br />

which "in sheer insurrectionary fury has rarely been more widespread i<br />

English history," as Thompson wrote, in what is probably an understate·<br />

ment. Though generally characterized as a blind, unorganized, reaction·<br />

ary, limited, and ineffective upheaval, this "instinctive" revolt against the<br />

new economic order was very successful for a time and had revolutionary<br />

aims. It was strongest in the more developed areas, the central and<br />

northern parts of the country especially. The 11mes of Fehruary 11, 1812<br />

described "the appearance of open warfare" in England. Vice· Lieutenant<br />

Wood wrote to Fitzwilliam in the government on June 17, 1812 that<br />

"except for the very spots which were occupied by Soldiers, the Country<br />

was virtually in the possession of the lawless."<br />

,

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