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(Atkinson, 2008). As well, the lack of family-positive public policies affects women more
dramatically than men (Kershaw, 2009; UNICEF, 2008); indeed, the lack of child care in
Canada and the U.S. has allowed the gender equality rankings of both countries to slip
(UNICEF, 2008). Meanwhile, in Ireland, the lack of child care has relegated the majority
of mothers of young children to low-paid, part-time employment with limited benefits
and job protections (OECD, 2006). The lack of child care subsidies has disadvantaged
Irish women further, as “on average, Irish parents pay more than 50% of the costs of
child care. Without subsidisation or the capping of fees charged by providers, many
women in low and moderate income jobs are unable to access child care of an
acceptable level of quality” (OECD, 2006, p. 28). Thus, institutionalized sexism and
misogyny continue to deny many women and children in these countries opportunities,
rights, and quality of life.
Societal beliefs and social structures merge in powerful ways, as illustrated by
one deeply ingrained cornerstone of wealthy Anglo-Saxon countries: the concept of a
public-private split, with early child development and family matters being classified as
part of the private realm (Neysmith, 1998; Rossiter, 1988). This theme contributes to
the exclusion of mothers from employment and schooling, and helps keep discussions of
healthy child development and a national child care strategy relegated to the sidelines.
Neysmith (1998) argues that issues of care-giving in general have been sidelined within
the public policy arena in part because of sexism, and in part because of this publicprivate
split: as long as something is a private matter, it does not belong in the
discussion on public policy. Not surprisingly, the ability to embrace “private”
responsibilities as public issues has been key to success in the development of public
policy in Sweden (Bremberg, 2009) and other countries – where accordingly, the gender
gap has narrowed (OECD, 2006; UNICEF, 2008).
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