pdf: 6.426kb - University of South Africa

More documents

Recommendations

Info

security. Unfortunately, this pendulum is not controlled by the people, but dictated by powerful, undemocratic, corrupt, greedy and brutal state and non-state actors with little or no incentive to negotiate an ùnprofitable' peace. Both countries are on the verge of becoming a no-win situation. To reverse this dire state of affairs, peace would have a cost, requiring certain distinct steps involving an all-out effort by all sides. First, the civil war needs to be concluded, preferably by the successful co-option of the main challengers to state legitimacy. This is to be followed by serious efforts of demilitarization and pacification of the countryside, thus removing the threat of sustainable guerrilla war. Co-option implies a choice in favour of competition for legitimate popular support in a general election. Next, the nature of the regime needs to be changed fundamentally, involving the establishment of effective, accountable, transparent and democratic state control over territory, people and the natural resources wealth of the country. Peace, reconciliation and good governance should act as passwords for state legitimacy, fostering a mutually beneficial `long-term horizon' for both state and nation. In the case of Angola, this would ensure that diamonds and oil no longer function exclusively as a lifeline to corrupt, power-hungry and greedy eÂ lite, but, instead, provide the much-needed impetus for peaceful and prosperous societal development. In essence, three crucial factors would determine whether Angola and Colombia would move from state failure towards state reconstruction: enlightened, honest leadership, social cohesion (removing the incentives for conflict), and strong international engagement (Carnegie Commission 1997; Zartman 1995:120; Olson 1993). For each vicious circle of destruction (state failure; violence, resource capture, arms proliferation, poverty), Angola and Colombia need the àntidote' of constructive international engagement by (trans)national civil society (NGOs; the Church), MNCs, other states and international organizations. The role of Global Witness in securing De Beers and other MNCs commitment towards business practices that not only permit profitability, but also contribute to political, economic and social justice in Angola (and Colombia), is evident of what sort of engagement is needed to remove the resource capture curse. Similarly, UN member states' commitment towards the International Code of Conduct on Arms Transfers would go a long way in combating deadly arms proliferation in Angola and Colombia's violent civil wars. Failure to do so would merely foster the state-failure-violence-resource capture curse in both countries and would render renewed UN-sponsored humanitarian intervention and preventive diplomacy meaningless (Oxfam 1999; Carnegie Commission 1997:30, 78). ABBREVIATIONS AUC United Self-Defence Forces of Colombia CIA Central Intelligence Agency DRC Democratic Republic of the Congo ELN EjeÂ rcito de LiberacioÂ n Nacional (National Liberation Army) FARC Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (Colombian Revolutionary Armed Forces) FNLA Frente Nacional para a Libertac,a5o de Angola (Angolan National Liberation Front) ICRC International Committee of the Red Cross MNC's Multinational Corporations MPLA Movimento Popular de Libertac,a5o de Angola (Angolan Popular Liberation Movement) PCC Partido Comunista Colombiano (Colombian Communist Party) UNAVEM United Nations Angola Verification Mission UNHCR United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees UNITA Unia5o Nacional para a IndependeÃ ncia Total de Angola (National Union for the Total Independence of Angola) US United States of America REFERENCES Newspapers and Magazines Basic Papers, (1997). Àfrica: The Challenge of Light Weapons Destruction During Peacekeeping Operation', December (23), http://www.basicint.org Business Report, (2000). `South Africans fingered in UN Report on UNITA's diamonds', 16 March, p. 1. Freedom Magazine International, (1999). `Young professionals are fleeing Colombia', December, pp. 1±2, http://web.lexis-nexis.com International Herald Tribune, (2000). Àngola's Misery Amid Huge Riches Unnerves Investors', 11 April, p. 13 International Herald Tribune, (2000). Èxpose the Unsavoury Business Behind Cruel Wars', 17 February, p. 6. International Herald Tribune, (2000). `To Some Countries, Gems Bring Only Misery', 7 April 2000, p. 2. 32 ISSN 0256±6060±Unisa Lat. Am. Rep. 16(2) 2000
Mail and Guardian, (1999). Àngola's debt burden', 1 July 1999, pp. 1±3, http://www.mg.co.za Mail and Guardian, (1999). ÙNITA's six new MiGs shift balance of power', 1 April, pp. 1±3, http:// www.mg.co.za Metro, (2000). `VS: cocaineproductie Colombia veel hoger dan gedacht', 16 February, p. 5. National Security, (2000). `Trouble in the near abroad', Vol. 32(3), 15 January, pp. 1±2. http://web.lexisnexis.com Sowetan, (2000). `Telkom to have seven million lines by 2002', 2 March, p. 23. Time, (2000). `Striking at The Root of Civil War', 27 March, p. 41. The Economist, (1999). Àngola's endless war', 25 September, p. 1, http://web.lexis-nexis.com The Economist, (2000). `Tracking Angola's oil money', 15 January, p. 1. The Economist, (2000). Àngola Ouch!' 19 February, p. 42. The Economist, (2000). `Colombia War and Peace', 26 February, p. 68. The Economist, (2000). À muddle in the jungle', 4 March, pp. 15±16. The Economist, (2000). `The Andean Coca Wars: A crop that refuses to die', 4 March, pp. 21±23. The Economist, (2000). `War and Money: The business of conflict', 4 March, pp. 50±52. The Economist, (2000). Àngola: Amazing grace', 18 March 2000, p. 47. The Economist, (2000). `The assault on democratic society in Colombia', 18 March, pp. 57±58. The Economist, (2000). `Dealing with Colombia's death-squads', 8 April, pp. 63±64. The Mining Journal, (1999). `Diamonds: blessing or curse?' 15 October 1999, p. 309, http://web.lexis-nexis.com Books, Reports and Journals Amnesty International Report 1999. London: Amnesty International Publications, pp. 76±78, 132±133. Buzan, B. (1991). People, States and Fear: An Agenda for International Security Studies in the Post-Cold War era. London: Harvester Wheatsheaf. Carnegie Commission. (1997). Preventing Deadly Conflict: Final Report. New York: Carnegie Corporation. Castells, M. (1998). End of Millennium: The Information Age: Economy, Society and Culture Volume III. Oxford: Blackwell. Central Intelligence Agency. (1999). World Factbook Country Report: Angola, pp. 1±9, http://www.emulateme.com Dorff, R. H. (1996). `Democratisation and Failed States: The Challenge of Ungovernability', Parameters, 26(2) summer, pp. 1±12, http://www.unc.edu Fituni, L. L. (1995). `The Collapse of the Socialist State: Angola and the Soviet Union', in Zartman, I.W. (ed.) Collapsed States: The Disintegration and Restoration of Legitimate Authority. London: Lynne Rienner Publishers, pp. 143±144. Global Witness. (1998). A Rough Trade: The role of companies and governments in the Angolan conflict. London, http://oneworld.org/globalwitness.html Hare, P. (1998). Angola's Last Best Chance for Peace. Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace Press. Kaldor, M. (1999). `The Structure of Conflict', in Wohlgemuth L. et al. (eds.) Common Security and Civil Society in Africa. Stockholm: Nordiska Afrikainstitutet. Keen, B. (1996). A History of Latin America (Fifth Edition). Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company. Kline, H. F. (1999). State Building and Conflict Resolution in Colombia, 1986±1994. Tuscaloosa: The University of Alabama Press. Lexis-Nexis Academic Universe. (1999). Country Profiles: Angola and Colombia, http://web.lexis-nexis.com Maier, K. (1996). Angola: Promises and Lies. Rivonia: William Waterman Publications. Messiant, C. (1998). Àngola: the challenge of statehood', in Birmingham, D. and Phyllis M. Martin (eds.) History of Central Africa: The Contemporary Years Since 1960, pp. 130±165. New African Yearbook 1999/2000, 12th edition. London: IC Publications, pp. 26±32. Olson, M. (1993). `Dictatorship, Democracy, and Development', American Political Science Review, Vol. 87(3) September 1993, pp. 567±572. Oquist, P. (1980). Violence, Conflict, and Politics in Colombia. New York: Academic Press. Osterling, J. P. (1989). Democracy in Colombia: Clientelist Politics and Guerrilla Warfare. New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers. Oxfam. (1999). Case Studies: Colombia, http://www.oxfam.org.uk Pearce, J. (1990). Colombia Inside the Labyrinth. London: Latin American Bureau Limited. Pierre, A. J. (ed.) (1997). Cascade of Arms: Managing Conventional Weapons Proliferation. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press. ISSN 0256±6060±Unisa Lat. Am. Rep. 16(2) 2000 33
Page 1 and 2: VOLUME 16 NO 2 2000 UNISA CENTRE FO
Page 3 and 4: UNISA CENTRE FOR LATIN AMERICAN STU
Page 5 and 6: Editorial The wide range of interes
Page 7 and 8: ABSTRACT In an attempt to identify
Page 9 and 10: final military liberation in 1819)
Page 11 and 12: enrichment. Solving the resource ca
Page 13 and 14: ample resources in many sectors, en
Page 15 and 16: Spanish rule in Nuevo Reino de Gran
Page 17 and 18: syndicates exploit to the maximum t
Page 19 and 20: then, seriously considered compromi
Page 21 and 22: and Colombia with a reason to bypas
Page 23 and 24: war has made state and nation build
Page 25 and 26: FIGURE 2 Development diamond Source
Page 27 and 28: particularly in the case of Colombi
Page 29 and 30: survival by capturing, controlling
Page 31 and 32: `capture', control and financial ex
Page 33: mercenary `security' companies and
Page 37 and 38: The cultural formation of Brazil an
Page 39 and 40: The following is an effort to provi
Page 41 and 42: the twentieth century many ruptures
Page 43 and 44: NOTES 1 For an excellent history of
Page 45 and 46: ABSTRACT Undertaking a research pro
Page 47 and 48: shaman's way of life, coupled with
Page 49 and 50: sclerops) and the otter (Ptenorura
Page 51 and 52: (which are strictly shamanic in cha
Page 53 and 54: others (Wolf 1991:58; Sharon 1978:3
Page 55 and 56: apprenticeship from evil spirits an
Page 57 and 58: explore both this world and other p
Page 59 and 60: spiritual support. Although the hea
Page 61 and 62: Academic freedom in Brazil by Pedro
Page 63 and 64: during military rule against schola
Page 65 and 66: President Fernando Henrique Cardoso
Page 67 and 68: Guyana Guyana dedicated a cover sto
Page 69 and 70: The current YanomamoÈ scandal: Nee
Page 71 and 72: UCLAS Reports Cultural studies high
Page 73 and 74: The similarities between South Afri
Page 75 and 76: Brazilian fragata Bosisio participa
Page 77 and 78: International donors meet in Teguci
Page 79 and 80: Soccer meets economics * PeleÂ and
Page 81 and 82: UCLAS news in brief LATIN AMERICA A
Page 83 and 84: PIANO PERFORMANCE AT UNIVERSITY OF
Page 85 and 86:
initiative had thus come to offer a
Page 87 and 88:
also visited the Dean of the Facult
Page 89 and 90:
anthology, composed with as many di
Page 91 and 92:
who puts his `plata' in his pocket
Page 93 and 94:
In order to receive Unisa Latin Ame
Page 95:
Embassies and consulates of Latin A
show all

pdf: 6.426kb - University of South Africa

Create successful ePaper yourself

Delete template?

Save as template?