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BDS market development guide.pdf - PACA

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Box 7: Key Considerations in Assessing the Role of the State in <strong>BDS</strong><br />

Any valid picture of sustainability in <strong>BDS</strong> <strong>market</strong>s has to consider the role of government—what governments should and should<br />

not do. In doing so, a number of factors need to be taken into account.<br />

Key Principles and Issues: from the broad consensus on a <strong>market</strong>-friendly approach, the key priorities for governments<br />

pursuing poverty reduction are those functions that only they can do or that they can do better than others—meaning health,<br />

education, security, macroeconomic management, etc. Focus on core competence and subsidiary—delegating to the lowest<br />

possible level—is the key principle.<br />

Rationale: governments’ involvement in <strong>market</strong>places (such as <strong>BDS</strong>) can be justified on two grounds: <strong>market</strong> failure and equity<br />

concerns. Within these two headings, governments should focus on:<br />

• Public Goods—which are non-rival and non-excludable, meaning that consumption by one user doesn’t reduce supply to<br />

another and users can’t be prevented from consuming the good. These are regarded as a top priority for state intervention.<br />

• Markets Where Externalities and Imperfect Information Are Particularly Evident—where there are wider benefits to society<br />

from the consumption of a good beyond the individual consumer and where consumers and/or suppliers don’t have enough<br />

information to make the right decisions. These <strong>market</strong>s—where there are public goods aspects—are regarded as a<br />

secondary priority for state intervention.<br />

In fact, there are very few pure public goods. There are many more goods that fall into the second category—such as training—<br />

where there may be positive externalities, but the case is hardly clear-cut. There can be major information constraints in some<br />

<strong>market</strong>s, such as training—benefits from training are often not immediate or tangible. However, although public subsidy for<br />

training is common, there are also vigorous and completely private training <strong>market</strong>s in many low-income countries.<br />

The key problem here is that these arguments for intervention—drawn from economic theory—can be used to justify state<br />

intervention in most <strong>market</strong>s. Markets are never perfect, and there’s always inequality. Does this mean we should always<br />

intervene? Clearly not!<br />

Capacity: a more practical way of thinking through governments’ potential role is to consider a hierarchy of functions of the<br />

state (Figure 11). From this, governments with limited capacities should focus on doing a small number of basic things well,<br />

rather than many things badly. In terms of <strong>BDS</strong>, this might mean, for example, only appropriate regulation or funding for core<br />

research.<br />

What About the Example of High-income Economies? In many wealthy countries, government involvement in <strong>BDS</strong> is<br />

widespread, posing the question of whether low-income countries should seek to emulate this role. Several points need to be<br />

made here:<br />

• In some countries, there is a historic, relatively close relationship between competent states and the private sector that<br />

allows governments to play a more active role in <strong>BDS</strong>. More commonly, governments intervene for a variety of social and<br />

political reasons that have little to do with improved <strong>market</strong> functioning. Unfortunately, it is often this latter approach that is<br />

exported to low-income countries through aid-funded projects.<br />

• Despite the efforts of governments, for most businesses in most industrialized economies, <strong>BDS</strong> is provided through the<br />

<strong>market</strong>place. In the United Kingdom, for example, one study showed that only 14 percent of business advice—a<br />

cornerstone of SME policy—is provided by official government-supported agencies.<br />

• The quality and effectiveness of much officially supported <strong>BDS</strong> in these countries is highly questionable and, at its worst,<br />

akin to a welfare state for struggling enterprise. In the United Kingdom, there is a negative correlation between usage of<br />

public sector sources of advice and profitability; in other words, subsidized advice has been taken up by badly performing<br />

SMEs (many of which were actually seeking financial assistance).<br />

• The resource base of industrialized countries dwarfs that of low-income countries, and the practices that have developed<br />

are those of rich states where sustainability concerns press only lightly.<br />

In short, the role of governments in <strong>BDS</strong> often followed in high-income countries are typically ineffective and/or hugely<br />

expensive and depend on subsidies. <strong>BDS</strong> projects that are modeled on these approaches are inappropriate—and indeed<br />

damaging—for low-income countries.<br />

Chapter Three—Where Do We Want to Go?—<br />

Developing a Clear Picture of Sustainability

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