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Elderly Nutrition - Center for Nutrition Policy and Promotion - US ...

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alanced meals item has a lower<br />

severity score <strong>for</strong> the elderly than <strong>for</strong><br />

the nonelderly, then some elderly<br />

households with “true” food security<br />

just below the food insecurity threshold<br />

will, nevertheless, affirm the balanced<br />

meals item <strong>and</strong> there<strong>for</strong>e be misclassified<br />

as food insecure by the<br />

st<strong>and</strong>ard food security classification<br />

procedures.<br />

The severity scores of items near the<br />

hunger threshold (cut size of meals or<br />

skipped meals in 3 or more months)<br />

were almost the same <strong>for</strong> the elderlyonly<br />

<strong>and</strong> nonelderly scales. There<strong>for</strong>e,<br />

estimates of the prevalence of hunger<br />

among the elderly are not likely to<br />

be biased <strong>and</strong> can be meaningfully<br />

compared with those of the general<br />

population.<br />

Other Indications of Food<br />

Problems Faced by the <strong>Elderly</strong><br />

<strong>Elderly</strong>-only households were about<br />

half as likely as nonelderly households<br />

to register food problems in response to<br />

the food sufficiency question, a ratio<br />

consistent with their relative rates of<br />

food insecurity <strong>and</strong> hunger based on the<br />

Food Security Scale. About 10 percent<br />

of elderly-only households indicated<br />

any problem (they did not always have<br />

enough to eat or they did not always<br />

have the kinds of food they wanted to<br />

eat), compared with nearly 20 percent<br />

of the nonelderly (table 2). Among<br />

elderly-only households, 1.7 percent<br />

reported that they sometimes or often<br />

did not have enough to eat, compared<br />

with 4.2 percent of nonelderly<br />

households. On both measures, the<br />

elderly/nonelderly differences could<br />

reflect a general stoicism of the elderly<br />

with regard to food needs, but the<br />

similar pattern across the two measures<br />

suggests, at least, that food-access<br />

problems other than insufficient<br />

resources to buy food do not affect<br />

the elderly in substantially larger<br />

proportions, compared with the<br />

effect on the nonelderly.<br />

Table 2. Food sufficiency status versus food security status of elderly-only <strong>and</strong><br />

nonelderly households, average 1999-2000<br />

<strong>Elderly</strong>-only Nonelderly<br />

households households<br />

Food sufficiency status (n=13,078) (n=59,203)<br />

Percent<br />

Enough of the kinds of food we want to eat 89.89 80.46<br />

Food-secure 88.76 78.09<br />

Food-insecure without hunger 1.03 2.06<br />

Food-insecure with hunger .10 .30<br />

Enough to eat but not always the kinds of food we want 8.44 15.30<br />

Food-secure 6.09 9.65<br />

Food-insecure without hunger 1.81 4.43<br />

Food-insecure with hunger .54 1.22<br />

Sometimes not enough to eat 1.39 3.49<br />

Food-secure .23 .58<br />

Food-insecure without hunger .57 1.46<br />

Food-insecure with hunger .58 1.45<br />

Often not enough to eat .29 .75<br />

Food-secure .05 .07<br />

Food-insecure without hunger .04 .13<br />

Food-insecure with hunger .20 .54<br />

Note: All percentages were calculated using sample weights provided by the Census Bureau so that the<br />

interviewed households represent the U.S. noninstitutionalized population.<br />

Specific food problems other than<br />

insufficient resources to buy food were<br />

no more prevalent among elderly-only<br />

households than among nonelderly<br />

households (table 3). Not surprisingly,<br />

lack of time <strong>for</strong> shopping or cooking<br />

was much less of a problem <strong>for</strong> the<br />

elderly-only than <strong>for</strong> the nonelderly<br />

households. The prevalences of other<br />

problems were remarkably similar <strong>for</strong> the<br />

elderly <strong>and</strong> nonelderly households.<br />

This was true even of problems such as<br />

“too hard to get to the store” <strong>and</strong> “not<br />

able to cook or eat because of health<br />

problems,” which might be thought of<br />

as being more problematic <strong>for</strong> the<br />

elderly. These problems account <strong>for</strong> a<br />

greater proportion of those elderly-only<br />

house-holds that reported any problem<br />

than was true <strong>for</strong> nonelderly households.<br />

For example, 1.68 percent of<br />

elderly-only households reported that<br />

they sometimes or often did not have<br />

enough to eat (table 2). Included among<br />

these households were 0.66 percent<br />

who said this was because it was too<br />

hard to get to the store. Thus, this<br />

problem accounted <strong>for</strong> 39 percent of<br />

elderly-only households who sometimes<br />

or often did not have enough to eat. The<br />

corresponding statistic <strong>for</strong> nonelderly<br />

households was 19 percent.<br />

Other Indicators of Unmet Food<br />

Needs Among Food-Secure<br />

<strong>Elderly</strong> <strong>and</strong> Nonelderly<br />

Households<br />

Food-secure elderly-only households<br />

relied less on Federal <strong>and</strong> community<br />

food assistance programs than did<br />

nonelderly households, with the<br />

exception of meal programs that are<br />

specifically intended <strong>for</strong> senior citizens<br />

(table 4). Among food-secure households<br />

with annual incomes below 130<br />

42 Family Economics <strong>and</strong> <strong>Nutrition</strong> Review

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