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Volume 4 No 1 - Journal for the Study of Antisemitism

Volume 4 No 1 - Journal for the Study of Antisemitism

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128 JOURNAL FOR THE STUDY OF ANTISEMITISM [ VOL. 4:125<br />

<strong>the</strong> vulnerable or unpopular from <strong>the</strong> procedural manipulation <strong>of</strong> democracy,<br />

risks being progressively inverted to justify <strong>the</strong> “freedom” to deny and<br />

promote genocide. Even worse, such assertions can be inconspicuously buried<br />

in human rights rhetoric, 12 effectively disarming any critics who would<br />

dare accuse its proponents <strong>of</strong> racist incitement.<br />

Constitutionalism—<strong>the</strong> anticipated safeguard against <strong>the</strong> devastation<br />

<strong>of</strong> democracy from within—may itself be co-opted <strong>for</strong> that very purpose.<br />

Inversions <strong>of</strong> this nature, particularly <strong>the</strong> usurpation <strong>of</strong> human rights language<br />

toward genocide denial and incitement, <strong>for</strong>m <strong>the</strong> backdrop <strong>of</strong> my<br />

reflection today.<br />

This paper fur<strong>the</strong>r suggests that <strong>the</strong> marketplace <strong>of</strong> ideas doctrine, 13 so<br />

prevalent in American thinking and case law, does not lend itself to <strong>the</strong><br />

digital age—where truths are virtually indistinguishable from lies and racist<br />

incitement (<strong>the</strong> latter benefitting from disproportionate exposure and<br />

“whitewashing”)—and <strong>the</strong>re<strong>for</strong>e begs rethinking.<br />

and from <strong>the</strong> means <strong>the</strong> state wants to use to fight terrorism.”); Ronald Dworkin,<br />

Taking Rights Seriously (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1977) (arguing<br />

that individuals have a fundamental right to equal respect and concern, owed to<br />

<strong>the</strong>m by <strong>the</strong> government); Weinrib, “Supreme Court” (note 10), at 710 (explaining<br />

Canada’s transition to rights-based democracy, as well as <strong>the</strong> “age <strong>of</strong> rights” and<br />

<strong>the</strong> implied bill <strong>of</strong> rights); Joseph E. Magnet, “The Canadian Charter <strong>of</strong> Rights and<br />

Freedoms: Reflections on <strong>the</strong> Charter After Twenty Years,” in The Canadian Charter<br />

<strong>of</strong> Rights and Freedoms: Reflections on <strong>the</strong> Charter After 20 Years, ed. J. E.<br />

Magnet, G. Beaudoin, et al. (Toronto: LexisNexis Butterworths, 2003), 19<br />

(explaining <strong>the</strong> belief system <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Westminster model <strong>of</strong> majoritarian political<br />

process, mainly that its proponents reject expansion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> judicial role to en<strong>for</strong>ce<br />

rights guarantees).<br />

12. See, e.g., Richard H. Weisberg, Vichy Law and <strong>the</strong> Holocaust in France<br />

(New York: NYU Press, 1996), 12 (articulating France’s challenge in balancing <strong>the</strong><br />

push <strong>for</strong> constitutional re<strong>for</strong>m centered around human rights and maintaining political<br />

tradition).<br />

13. See Abrams v. United States (note 1); see, e.g., Reno v. ACLU, 117 S. Ct<br />

2329, 2333 (1997) (The court rejected <strong>the</strong> government’s argument that it had a<br />

“significant” interest in fostering <strong>the</strong> Internet’s growth sufficient to infringe on First<br />

Amendment rights by limiting <strong>the</strong> communication <strong>of</strong> certain “<strong>of</strong>fensive” <strong>for</strong>ms <strong>of</strong><br />

online material.).

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