Thirty Years of Creative Resistance - Friends of the Earth Australia
Thirty Years of Creative Resistance - Friends of the Earth Australia
Thirty Years of Creative Resistance - Friends of the Earth Australia
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was (and remains to this day) <strong>the</strong> only<br />
state with Container Deposit Legislation<br />
(CDL) and <strong>the</strong> beverage industry fought a<br />
long and well funded campaign to ensure<br />
this situation continued. FoES mounted a<br />
strong argument about <strong>the</strong> employment<br />
benefits that would be created through<br />
good recycling and CDL, estimating that<br />
an extra 3,000 jobs would be created in<br />
NSW if CDL was to be implemented in that<br />
state.<br />
FoEM established <strong>the</strong> Recycling and<br />
Employment project (funded by <strong>the</strong><br />
Victorian Ministry <strong>of</strong> Employment and<br />
Training), which carried out research into<br />
<strong>the</strong> employment potential <strong>of</strong> recycling<br />
schemes. FoE campaigners remained<br />
cautious on <strong>the</strong> issue <strong>of</strong> a proposed<br />
litter tax put forward in 1984 because <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> possibility that it would, in Richard<br />
Nankin’s words, “victimise consumers”<br />
without “addressing <strong>the</strong> problems <strong>of</strong><br />
wasted resources and energy and <strong>the</strong><br />
serious disposal problems created by<br />
throw away packaging”.<br />
In approaching its campaigns, FoE<br />
consistently placed simple issues in a<br />
deeper context <strong>of</strong> consumption, social<br />
implications and political structures.<br />
...................................................................................................................................................................................................<br />
Urban or ‘brown’ issues were consistently<br />
covered by FoE activists during <strong>the</strong><br />
eighties, while traditional biodiversity<br />
issues continued to dominate public<br />
debate. Ian Watson, in Fighting for <strong>the</strong><br />
Forests, wrote that “urban issues have<br />
always been poor cousins in that family <strong>of</strong><br />
issues which have pre-occupied <strong>Australia</strong>n<br />
conservationists” but noted that “FoE, <strong>the</strong><br />
most socially radical <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> environmental<br />
groups <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 1970s and 1980s, regularly<br />
analysed major urban issues”.<br />
The pr<strong>of</strong>ile <strong>of</strong> FoE started to wane in <strong>the</strong><br />
mid and later part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> decade, partly<br />
as ‘environmental’ concerns became<br />
more narrowly defined. Forest campaigns<br />
were <strong>the</strong> dominant priority <strong>of</strong> much <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> movement and received <strong>the</strong> bulk <strong>of</strong><br />
media attention and funding throughout<br />
<strong>the</strong> 1980s and 90s. The Tasmanian<br />
Wilderness Society, through <strong>the</strong> brilliantly<br />
successful Franklin River campaign<br />
in 1983, transformed itself into The<br />
Wilderness Society (TWS), with branches<br />
across <strong>the</strong> mainland. In true form, FoE’s<br />
main published contribution to <strong>the</strong> Franklin<br />
River campaign was a cover story in Chain<br />
Reaction on employment in Tasmania,<br />
which drew <strong>the</strong> conclusion that ‘building<br />
dams destroys jobs in o<strong>the</strong>r sectors <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Tasmanian economy’.<br />
As o<strong>the</strong>r groups gained pr<strong>of</strong>ile on<br />
more popular and ‘sellable’ biodiversity<br />
issues, FoE continued to plough on<br />
FoE 30 <strong>Years</strong> 39