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Thirty Years of Creative Resistance - Friends of the Earth Australia

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was (and remains to this day) <strong>the</strong> only<br />

state with Container Deposit Legislation<br />

(CDL) and <strong>the</strong> beverage industry fought a<br />

long and well funded campaign to ensure<br />

this situation continued. FoES mounted a<br />

strong argument about <strong>the</strong> employment<br />

benefits that would be created through<br />

good recycling and CDL, estimating that<br />

an extra 3,000 jobs would be created in<br />

NSW if CDL was to be implemented in that<br />

state.<br />

FoEM established <strong>the</strong> Recycling and<br />

Employment project (funded by <strong>the</strong><br />

Victorian Ministry <strong>of</strong> Employment and<br />

Training), which carried out research into<br />

<strong>the</strong> employment potential <strong>of</strong> recycling<br />

schemes. FoE campaigners remained<br />

cautious on <strong>the</strong> issue <strong>of</strong> a proposed<br />

litter tax put forward in 1984 because <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> possibility that it would, in Richard<br />

Nankin’s words, “victimise consumers”<br />

without “addressing <strong>the</strong> problems <strong>of</strong><br />

wasted resources and energy and <strong>the</strong><br />

serious disposal problems created by<br />

throw away packaging”.<br />

In approaching its campaigns, FoE<br />

consistently placed simple issues in a<br />

deeper context <strong>of</strong> consumption, social<br />

implications and political structures.<br />

...................................................................................................................................................................................................<br />

Urban or ‘brown’ issues were consistently<br />

covered by FoE activists during <strong>the</strong><br />

eighties, while traditional biodiversity<br />

issues continued to dominate public<br />

debate. Ian Watson, in Fighting for <strong>the</strong><br />

Forests, wrote that “urban issues have<br />

always been poor cousins in that family <strong>of</strong><br />

issues which have pre-occupied <strong>Australia</strong>n<br />

conservationists” but noted that “FoE, <strong>the</strong><br />

most socially radical <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> environmental<br />

groups <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 1970s and 1980s, regularly<br />

analysed major urban issues”.<br />

The pr<strong>of</strong>ile <strong>of</strong> FoE started to wane in <strong>the</strong><br />

mid and later part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> decade, partly<br />

as ‘environmental’ concerns became<br />

more narrowly defined. Forest campaigns<br />

were <strong>the</strong> dominant priority <strong>of</strong> much <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> movement and received <strong>the</strong> bulk <strong>of</strong><br />

media attention and funding throughout<br />

<strong>the</strong> 1980s and 90s. The Tasmanian<br />

Wilderness Society, through <strong>the</strong> brilliantly<br />

successful Franklin River campaign<br />

in 1983, transformed itself into The<br />

Wilderness Society (TWS), with branches<br />

across <strong>the</strong> mainland. In true form, FoE’s<br />

main published contribution to <strong>the</strong> Franklin<br />

River campaign was a cover story in Chain<br />

Reaction on employment in Tasmania,<br />

which drew <strong>the</strong> conclusion that ‘building<br />

dams destroys jobs in o<strong>the</strong>r sectors <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

Tasmanian economy’.<br />

As o<strong>the</strong>r groups gained pr<strong>of</strong>ile on<br />

more popular and ‘sellable’ biodiversity<br />

issues, FoE continued to plough on<br />

FoE 30 <strong>Years</strong> 39

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