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Thirty Years of Creative Resistance - Friends of the Earth Australia

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from a community radio background,<br />

also helped FoE’s efforts to build<br />

strong relations with trade unions, o<strong>the</strong>r<br />

indigenous communities and o<strong>the</strong>r social<br />

movements that were resisting <strong>the</strong> nuclear<br />

fuel cycle.<br />

At a time where <strong>the</strong>re was limited attention<br />

on nuclear issues in <strong>Australia</strong>, FoE<br />

activists kept pressure on <strong>the</strong> domestic<br />

industry, focusing on existing mines in<br />

SA and <strong>the</strong> NT and highlighting various<br />

proposals to fur<strong>the</strong>r expand <strong>the</strong> industry.<br />

Ila Marks, Linda Marks, Jan Whyte, Eric<br />

Miller and o<strong>the</strong>rs from <strong>the</strong> Melbourne<br />

anti-uranium collective made regular trips<br />

to <strong>the</strong> region around Roxby Downs in SA,<br />

working with local traditional owners to<br />

catalogue <strong>the</strong> ecological costs <strong>of</strong> WMC’s<br />

Olympic Dam mine, particularly <strong>the</strong> mine’s<br />

voracious demand for ground water. They<br />

reported on <strong>the</strong> impacts on <strong>the</strong> Mound<br />

Springs, ‘already degraded by pastoralists<br />

and poor management and maintenance<br />

in <strong>the</strong> past’.<br />

In 1987, <strong>the</strong> ALP was re-elected to power,<br />

signalling an even harder and more limited<br />

path for achieving an end to <strong>Australia</strong>’s<br />

involvement in <strong>the</strong> nuclear fuel cycle. FoE<br />

was excluded from negotiations between<br />

<strong>the</strong> party and environmental ‘heavies’<br />

before <strong>the</strong> election and, given <strong>the</strong> political<br />

climate <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> day, <strong>the</strong>se meetings failed<br />

to secure any great advantage for <strong>the</strong><br />

environment. According to many party<br />

<strong>of</strong>ficials, Bob Hawke was interested in <strong>the</strong><br />

centre <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> electorate, and felt he could<br />

take <strong>the</strong> support <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> left for granted.<br />

Federal Cabinet seemed immune to any<br />

argument on <strong>the</strong> environment. In <strong>the</strong> days<br />

before <strong>the</strong> creation <strong>of</strong> a national Greens<br />

party, this again raised <strong>the</strong> possibility <strong>of</strong><br />

a red/green electoral alliance that could<br />

potentially force <strong>the</strong> main parties towards<br />

an anti-nuclear and pro environment<br />

position.<br />

1988 was <strong>the</strong> Bicentenary <strong>of</strong> European<br />

settlement <strong>of</strong> <strong>Australia</strong> and was marked<br />

by a year <strong>of</strong> major protests by Indigenous<br />

people and <strong>the</strong>ir supporters. FoE activist<br />

and poet John Renshaw labelled <strong>the</strong><br />

Bicentenary ‘<strong>the</strong> year <strong>of</strong> shame’ and was<br />

...................................................................................................................................................................................................<br />

one <strong>of</strong> around 45,000 people who joined<br />

<strong>the</strong> survival day march in Sydney on <strong>the</strong><br />

day <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> re-enactment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> first landing<br />

<strong>of</strong> Governor Phillip at Botany Bay.<br />

Around this time, three noticeable trends<br />

intersected to form a new and unexpected<br />

phase in <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> modern<br />

concepts <strong>of</strong> environmentalism. In a limited<br />

period, <strong>the</strong>re was suddenly far greater<br />

media attention given to <strong>the</strong> environment,<br />

and this intersected with growing public<br />

awareness and concern for environmental<br />

issues, as well as with a growing number<br />

<strong>of</strong> famous people becoming vocal<br />

advocates for <strong>the</strong> environment.<br />

These three interconnected phenomena<br />

created <strong>the</strong> brief wave <strong>of</strong> ‘green<br />

consumerism’ that marked <strong>the</strong> early 1990s.<br />

This ‘third wave’ <strong>of</strong> environmentalism<br />

was intensely non-political and primarily<br />

focussed attention, and hence ‘blame’, for<br />

environmental deterioration on individual<br />

consumption patterns. In this analysis,<br />

changing <strong>the</strong> purchasing choices <strong>of</strong><br />

individual consumers was seen as <strong>the</strong><br />

solution to environmental destruction.<br />

While acknowledging <strong>the</strong> role <strong>of</strong> individual<br />

consumers as elements <strong>of</strong> both <strong>the</strong><br />

problem and <strong>the</strong> solution to environmental<br />

deterioration, FoE cautioned against<br />

seeing this as being <strong>the</strong> core <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> matter,<br />

as it potentially let big business and<br />

politicians ‘<strong>of</strong>f <strong>the</strong> hook’. FoE continues to<br />

argue that consumers’ choices will always<br />

be largely dictated by <strong>the</strong> realities and<br />

options presented by <strong>the</strong> community and<br />

economy <strong>the</strong>y live in. After a relatively<br />

short time, green consumerism subsided<br />

as a dominant force in environmental<br />

thinking. An unexpected benefit <strong>of</strong> this<br />

wave <strong>of</strong> concern was an unprecedented<br />

surge in membership <strong>of</strong> all green groups,<br />

including FoE.<br />

FoE 30 <strong>Years</strong> 43

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