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Feb-Mar-Apr, May-June-July 1972 - Navy League of Australia

Feb-Mar-Apr, May-June-July 1972 - Navy League of Australia

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AUSTRALIA'S<br />

DEFENCE<br />

OUTLOOK<br />

more to the <strong>Navy</strong> and the longranging<br />

aircraft <strong>of</strong> the RAAF than<br />

hitherto. Surveillance <strong>of</strong> our region<br />

IN OUR OWN RIGHT will be<br />

increasingly important — much as<br />

we will have to depend on our,allies<br />

for comprehensive intelligence<br />

The existence <strong>of</strong> our own military<br />

deterrents will also be most<br />

important, and the Fill's and our<br />

submarines will have important<br />

roles here Our internal capacity to<br />

supply and maintain our forces will<br />

be vital for an island which can be<br />

readily blockaded by nuclear<br />

submarines<br />

In naval terms I believe we must<br />

place a very high priority indeed on<br />

our ship-building capacity We must<br />

remember that to keep a minimal<br />

force <strong>of</strong> destroyers available, we<br />

should be adding, on the average, at<br />

least one ship <strong>of</strong> this type to the fleet<br />

every eighteen months. Destroyers,<br />

submarines and patrol-craft, backed<br />

up by adequate auxiliaries, are a<br />

MUST on any view <strong>of</strong> defence<br />

requirements<br />

One other important naval item<br />

yet remains, and I refer to Naval<br />

Airpower. A major study is being<br />

carried out to answer the questions<br />

here and I cannot prejudge the<br />

result. Accepting the strategic role <strong>of</strong><br />

the Fill, however, there still seems to<br />

be an essential requirement for both<br />

naval anti-submarine and strike<br />

aircraft in the strategic situations I<br />

have outlined above. H.M.A.S.<br />

Melbourne will be too old by the end<br />

<strong>of</strong> this decade, and. subject to what<br />

the study reveals to us. it would<br />

appear that, for at least the<br />

remainder <strong>of</strong> the twentieth century,<br />

we will require some alternate form<br />

<strong>of</strong> seaborne aircraft platform. One<br />

possible ship currently in view is the<br />

"through-deck" cruiser <strong>of</strong> the Royal<br />

<strong>Navy</strong> This will be a self-contained<br />

light cruiser with her deck<br />

unobstructed for operating<br />

helicopters and fixed-wing aircraft <strong>of</strong><br />

the STOL variety. The U.S. <strong>Navy</strong>'s<br />

"Sea-control ship" is a similar<br />

concept. Such ships would, however,<br />

cost a lot <strong>of</strong> money — much more<br />

than the DDL that we have been<br />

planning recently.<br />

For obvious reasons my discussion<br />

has mainly centred on the <strong>Navy</strong> and<br />

Page Fifty-lour<br />

H.M.A.S. Melbourne AacsMp *<br />

maritime activity by the RAAF I<br />

would not like it thought that l am<br />

unmindful <strong>of</strong> other essential<br />

developments, especially with regard<br />

to major equipments in the Army<br />

and Airforce.<br />

A NUCLEAR DETERRENT?<br />

Before leaving the question <strong>of</strong><br />

maior weaponry, however, it would<br />

Get MOBIL Service it .<br />

"oyl Austria Nevy HI be too oW for further sen*. at th.<br />

end <strong>of</strong> this decade.<br />

be well to mention the nuclear<br />

deterrent It is my expectation that<br />

many military skills <strong>of</strong> the superpowers<br />

in the next twenty years will<br />

be directed towards two major<br />

objectives —<br />

(i) The effective counter to or<br />

nullification <strong>of</strong> any attack by nuclear<br />

armed missiles or aircraft, and<br />

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THE NAVY <strong>Feb</strong>niary/ltarcty<strong>Apr</strong>ll, <strong>1972</strong><br />

AUSTRALIA S DEFENCE<br />

(ii) The possible destruction <strong>of</strong> a<br />

potential enemy's nuclear capability<br />

on a first strike basis<br />

For us independently to possess a<br />

nuclear weapon, and even a vehicle<br />

to deliver it. could possibly be a step<br />

backwards for <strong>Australia</strong>n defence,<br />

unless we also were in the forefront<br />

<strong>of</strong> these two fields <strong>of</strong> research In a<br />

war situation a nuclear armed<br />

enemy would be obliged to use this<br />

capacity to destroy our necessarily<br />

meagre nuclear resources — and at<br />

the same time he would be<br />

increasingly immune to any attack<br />

we might wish to press upon him.<br />

Once again the sheer cost <strong>of</strong><br />

maintaining any respectable<br />

pr<strong>of</strong>iciency in this field would be<br />

utterly enormous. The Government<br />

at present has no such pretensions<br />

THE QUESTION OF COST:<br />

This brings me to the vital question<br />

<strong>of</strong> overall military expenditure. I<br />

have said that our national defence<br />

depends ultimately on political<br />

decisions. We must see to it that we<br />

are significant to our friends as well<br />

as dangerous to our enemies It<br />

would be utter nonsense for us to<br />

OUTLOOK<br />

dream <strong>of</strong> developing resources that<br />

would enable us to have a<br />

formidable fighting force but a<br />

disgruntled population and a<br />

beggared economy. It would be<br />

futile, for example, for us alone to<br />

dream <strong>of</strong> developing adequate<br />

resources to try to counter Soviet<br />

naval power in the Indian Ocean. Let<br />

me give an example — Even if we<br />

wished to make such a purchase,<br />

one single nuclear attack submarine<br />

would probably cost in the vicinity <strong>of</strong><br />

$250-millions. Russia is currently<br />

producing one every month and is<br />

reputed to be able even now to<br />

produce at least one <strong>of</strong> these boats<br />

every fortnight! Let's face it. we just<br />

aren't in that league — and we never<br />

will be. for any practical planning<br />

purposes — so our role must be<br />

quite different. That is why the Prime<br />

Minister, during his recent visit to<br />

Washington and London, placed so<br />

much emphasis on the<br />

encouragement <strong>of</strong> an allied naval<br />

presence in the Indian Ocean. This is<br />

elementary commonsense.<br />

The best we alone can hope to do.<br />

from the viewpoint <strong>of</strong> the R.A.N..<br />

regarding the Russian naval<br />

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presence, is to keep as fully<br />

informed as possible, to show the<br />

flag where we can. and to indicate a<br />

capacity to fight for our interests<br />

with equipment which, ship for ship,<br />

should be at least the equal <strong>of</strong> any<br />

non-nuclear vessel in the world. In<br />

short we should be able to make it as<br />

painful as possible for even a superpower<br />

to try to bully us. and at the<br />

same time we should have the<br />

capacity to defeat aggression from<br />

such lesser sources as I have already<br />

mentioned.<br />

IN CONCLUSION:<br />

Finally and by way <strong>of</strong> summary <strong>of</strong><br />

the core <strong>of</strong> my thesis: the<br />

Government is determined to see<br />

this nation equipped with the most<br />

modern and powerful military<br />

capability that <strong>Australia</strong> can afford<br />

— continually balancing the degree<br />

<strong>of</strong> threat with other prime national<br />

requirements — political,<br />

diplomatic, economic and industrial<br />

— many <strong>of</strong> them equally significant<br />

in our ultimate defence. We will at ail<br />

times plan and build so that we will<br />

have both the capacity and the allies<br />

to resist and defeat aggression. Only<br />

when we are bending every nerve to<br />

these tasks can we afford the luxury<br />

<strong>of</strong> hopeful thinking about tne good<br />

intentions <strong>of</strong> other people.<br />

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