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traditional knowledge conference 2008 te tatau pounamu

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succession to land in<strong>te</strong>rests employed by the Māori Land Court has itself been criticized fordegenerating the rights associa<strong>te</strong>d with ahi kā. Perspectives of current generations recognize those oftheir kin (although relatively far removed) who keep the ancestral flame burning on behalf of those wholive away from the land, and have been doing so for some time. Therefore, the definition of ahi kā hasexpanded, and ac<strong>knowledge</strong>s that genealogical ties, no mat<strong>te</strong>r how distant, can act as a conduit to theancestral flame for Māori urban dwellers. A waiata-ā-ringa (action song), presen<strong>te</strong>d by the Ao<strong>te</strong>aUtanganui group at the Te Matatini National Kapahaka Festival in 2005 concurs with this view that theahi kā is now considered to be the people who maintain the marae (<strong>traditional</strong> gathering place) onbehalf of affilia<strong>te</strong>d whānau and hapū members:Manaaki mai <strong>te</strong> tangataCaring for the peopleKia ora mai <strong>te</strong> wairuaLifts the spiritTiaki mai <strong>te</strong> tangataLooking af<strong>te</strong>r the peopleArā ko <strong>te</strong> tohu o <strong>te</strong> ahi kāThis is the sign of the ahi kāKa ki<strong>te</strong> atu ai i ngā mahi neiYou have experienced the labour and sweatHe taonga tuku iho i ngā mātua To maintain the treasures handed on from eldersE mārama nei koe me whakapupuri You understand that you must take hold of these thingsKia hurihia koe hei hunga ahi kā To earn the right to be ahi kā. (Apou, 2003)It became qui<strong>te</strong> clear that cri<strong>te</strong>ria for inclusion in the He Morehu Tangata research project wouldneed to include one’s connection to the land (around Rānana) through occupation. In other words, kuiaand koroheke participants needed to have lived on the land at some point in their lives. In a sense, theancient custom of ahi kā was being revisi<strong>te</strong>d and applied. There were some exceptions however, wherewhakapapa was not a key de<strong>te</strong>rminant for inclusion. Such cases concerned whāngai (fos<strong>te</strong>r child; fos<strong>te</strong>rchildren) who felt that their fos<strong>te</strong>r whakapapa or whānau and their sense of ahi kā or personalconnectivity between themselves and the land were sufficient.An in<strong>te</strong>rview schedule was developed to help guide the in<strong>te</strong>rviews with kuia and korohekeparticipants. Questions within the in<strong>te</strong>rview schedule needed to remain relevant for the participant beingin<strong>te</strong>rviewed; it became apparent that each participant would be classified, using three considerations:whether the participant identified as Ngāti Ruaka/Ngāti Hine;whether the participant had been raised in Rānana; andwhether the participant was resident in Rānana. (Tinirau et al., 2007)The classification is illustra<strong>te</strong>d in Figure 1 below:Uri (descendant) of (through selfidentification)Ngāti Ruaka/NgātiHineRaised inRānanaNot Raised inRānanaConnection to (but not uri of)Ngāti Ruaka/Ngāti HineRaised inRānanaNot Raised inRānanaResident inRānana A1 A3 B1 B3NotResident inRānanaA2 A4 B2 B4Figure 1: Classification of research participants.Guide to selecting the relevant in<strong>te</strong>rview schedule, based on a participant’s whakapapa (through selfidentification)and connection, the place where the participant was raised, and their place of residence299

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