Journal of Australia-China Affairs 2014

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government for a better development environment. 68 All LNG operating companies in Australia are APPEA members, but as of yet there has been no participation from Chinese companies. 69 In 2016, APPEA will support the 18 th International Conference & Exhibition on Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG18) in Perth, the most significant global LNG event. This will be an invaluable platform for Chinese oil and gas players to gain up-‐to-‐date industrial knowledge, and seek potential investment opportunities in Australia. 70 It would be beneficial for Chinese companies to become full members of APPEA, as well as take advantage of APPEA’s events. Other bilateral organisations can aslo be supportive. For example, the Australia-‐China Young Professionals Initiative (ACYPI) invited CNOOC Australia to deliver a seminar on the Australian LNG industry in Perth in December 2013. 71 Many attendees were young legal and commercial elites working in Australia-‐China energy collaboration. Education and Training: the Cradle for Future Professionals The Australia-‐China Natural Gas Technology Partnership Fund seeks to provide scholarships, training opportunities, research projects, and technology transfer between China and Australia on natural gas and LNG. 72 The Australian Training Centre aims at providing up-‐to-date natural gas (including LNG) training programs for senior officers from both Chinese oil and gas companies and the Chinese Government. 73 Conclusion and Future Outlook Australia is a traditional investment destination for Chinese capital, and three Chinese NOCs have been involved in both conventional and unconventional gas-‐to-‐LNG projects via equity interest acquisition and LNG SPA, to meet China’s rapidly growing demand for natural gas. Since LNG projects are based on multi-‐billion dollar investments and carry a number of risks, Chinese companies need to pursue deeper insights into and presence in the Australian investment climate through multiple approaches. The Australian Government should be expected to modify certain policies that may prevent Chinese ODIs into Australia, and potentially weaken its leading position in the global LNG export industry. FLNG is very competitive, and should be prioritised by companies. Every participant in the LNG industry should cooperate together to ensure that Australia becomes the gas hub of China, and implement effective measures to resolve any challenges. 68 APPEA, ‘What We Do’, 2014, http://www.appea.com.au/what-‐we-‐do/. 69 APPEA, ‘Members’, 2014, http://www.appea.com.au/about-‐appea/members/. 70 LNG 18, ‘About LNG 18’, 2014, http://lng18.org/about-‐overview.php. 71 ACYPI, ‘Perth-‐Powering the Asian Century: A Supply and Demand Equation’, 29 November 2013, http://www.acypi.org.au/2013/11/29/perth-‐powering-‐the-‐asian-‐century-‐a-‐supply-‐and-‐demand-‐equation/. 72 Australia-‐China Natural Gas Technology Partnership Fund, ‘Funding Opportunities’, 2014, http://forum.gasfund.com.au/site/Opportunities.html. 73 Australia-‐China Natural Gas Technology Partnership Fund, ‘The Australian Training Centre’, 2014, http://forum.gasfund.com.au/site/Training.html. 36 JOURNAL OF AUSTRALIA-‐CHINA AFFAIRS
Imperialism Within the Academy: The Historiography of Nineteenth-‐Century Western Imperialism in ChinaAdrian Raftery Adrian Raftery first became interested in China after taking a course in Chinese history at the University of Queensland. His Honours thesis examined European perceptions of China during the early nineteenth-‐century. Adrian possesses an academic interest in Chinese political history, particularly the relationship between central and provincial government during the late Qing and early Republican periods. He is currently working in Beijing. Scholars of Chinese history have long recognised the impact that nineteenth century European and American military aggression had upon the course of China’s development. Beginning with the signing of the Treaty of Nanking in 1842 following China’s defeat in the First Opium War, and extending to subsequent ‘unequal treaties’ that granted increased privileges to Japanese and Western powers over China throughout the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the so-‐called ‘Hundred Years of National Humiliation’ (bainian guochi 百年国耻 ) has served in China as an important narrative for both national development and ideological cohesion. For China, the numerous diplomatic and commercial concessions granted to the imperial powers were perceived as an indication of its own military and political weakness, and provided stark evidence of Japanese and Western power. It has been argued that the events of the nineteenth century have played such a pivotal role in Chinese historical memory that contemporary foreign policy, political discourse and education is shaped and informed by the incidents of that century. 1 At a time when the relationship between China and the USA has the capacity to substantially influence Australian foreign policy, it is important to identify how major American scholars of Chinese history have understood the role played by Western powers in China’s development. 2 Historical methodology has the capacity to fundamentally alter discourse and function as dialectic, with past events shaping present concerns and vice versa. Given the importance the nineteenth century holds in contemporary Chinese thought, education, politics and culture, developing a nuanced knowledge of how this century of Chinese history has been portrayed to Western audiences is crucial. Understanding how the issues have been constructed and presented by historians of China, and particularly the choice of interpretive methods that have grappled with this complex legacy, can provide valuable lessons for anyone who wants to appreciate the intricacies of China’s historical and contemporary international relations. By examining the progression of methodological approaches to Chinese history that occurred over the course of the twentieth century, this paper will demonstrate how the contemporaneous anxieties of Western historians over American foreign policy during the 1960s and 1970s provided the impetus for a more critical analysis of Western involvement in nineteenth century China. The works of influential China scholars H.B. Morse, John King 1 Zheng Wang, Never Forget National Humiliation: Historical Memory in Chinese Politics and Foreign Relations, New York: Columbia University Press, 2012. 2 The most publicised debate concerning Australia’s international relations is whether closer economic ties with China can be reconciled with a strategic alliance with the USA. For a brief overview of two competing schools of thought, see: http://www.aspistrategist.org.au/author/hugh-‐white/. JOURNAL OF AUSTRALIA-CHINA AFFAIRS 37
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Page 7 and 8: 目录 ‘Bananas’: A Perspect
Page 9 and 10: 前言我很高兴能够为
Page 11 and 12: 中澳青年联合会致辞
Page 13 and 14: SECTION I ACADEMIC ESSAY ENGLISH
Page 15 and 16: From Eurocentric to Global: Int
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Page 19 and 20: contact stage, such as in wet
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Page 39 and 40: “though he lived through the
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Page 49 and 50: mark the period when Chinese b
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Page 71 and 72: SECTION II ACADEMIC ESSAY CHINESE
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部门都设有 “ 茶侍 ”
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从欧洲中心到全球化
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19 尽管 WHO 总干事具有
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下禁令 , 应该向每一
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的信息系统 , 如中国
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量和相对较小的国内
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LNG 产业中的中澳合作
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。该排名反映了经济
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40%-50%。 31 这些成本均
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MIMI 不再和项目合作
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协议 , 例如 , 由于国家
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易与来自中国或澳洲
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是如何唤醒了沉睡的
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费正清期待接下来的
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文化、以及世界上的
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会控制方式如保家系
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SECTION III OPINION ARTICLE ENGLI
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terms. It is a real struggle
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Outside China, Inside the Natio
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superficially grasped. It was l
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In Search of Common Ground: Au
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Australia-‐China Agricultural
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Beyond the Great WallChristian
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‘Bananas’: A PerspectiveLouis
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linguistic abilities in German,
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est solution is to cooperate r
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and strength of its ethics to
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interactions and mutual benefits
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SECTION IV OPINION ARTICLE CHINES
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人们总是喜欢去猜测
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从 “ 环太平洋 —2014”
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任何一个成功的广告
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南、菲律宾等周边国
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中国和伟大的户外活
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一个可共享信息的平
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照片附上的报道中 ,
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大利亚 “ 有必要拓宽
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当日澳方记者的观点
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以及悉尼大学中国研
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作为一个中国文化的
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SECTION V CREATIVE WORK ENGLISH
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pleasant memories of years past
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Meeting AutumnJia Xu Dr Jia Xu
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SECTION VI CREATIVE WORK CHINESE
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线索。花雨落漫天 ,
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JOURNAL OF AUSTRALIA-CHINA AFFAIRS
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Journal of Australia-China Affairs 2014

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