is currently a senior expert for enhancing the Nationalities Common Values <strong>and</strong> ConflictResolution core process at the Council of Nationalities in Hawassa, in the Southern Nations, Nationalities <strong>and</strong> Peoples’ Region(SNNPR) in Ethiopia. Mekonnen applied his background in law to various spheres: teaching high school social studies for over tenyears, as a legal expert at the Justice <strong>and</strong> Administration Office <strong>and</strong> on the Regional Council of the Gamo Gofa Zone in Ethiopia.At the SNNPR Council of Nationalities, Mekonnen also served many years as department head of the Gamo Gofa Zone Justice<strong>and</strong> Administration Office <strong>and</strong> Nationalities Rights <strong>and</strong> Constitutional Affairs Department.is a traditional <strong>and</strong> ritual leader of the Konso people of the SNNPR. A structuralengineer by profession, he held a reputable tenure with the <strong>Ethiopian</strong> army. Following a call from his community, he took overhis father’s traditional leader position upon his death. Besides his engineering expertise, Kalla Gezaheign has completed severalqualification trainings in conflict transformation <strong>and</strong> mediation, <strong>and</strong> engages in mediation with his people on a daily basis.Born <strong>and</strong> brought up in a Christian family in Durame town, Reverend Tseganesh holds aMaster of Theology. After her graduation, Reverend Tseganesh taught at the theological seminary where she was well reputed asan excellent lecturer. Since achieving the title of reverend, she has served as a women’s ministry coordinator in different places<strong>and</strong> positions. Currently, she is a women <strong>and</strong> family coordinator at the Evangelical Churches Fellowship of Ethiopia <strong>and</strong> at theVoluntarily Ordained Ministry in one of the Mekane Yesus congregations. As part of her current job <strong>and</strong> volunteerism, sheparticipates in many social issue-related committees <strong>and</strong> women’s empowerment activities.After working as a primary school teacher for nine years, Seleshi earned a diploma in educationaladministration <strong>and</strong> then a degree in educational planning <strong>and</strong> management at Addis Ababa University. He then servedas a secondary school director <strong>and</strong> the head of an education programme in a wereda education office before becoming a fieldcoordinator for the wereda’s capacity-building project supported by UK-based NGO, Farm Africa. He was the general manager ofDerashe Peoples’ Development Association before earning his M.A. in Rural Development. Seleshi then worked as the regionaleducation programme coordinator <strong>and</strong> head of the Programme Development <strong>and</strong> Coordination Department at the South EthiopiaPeoples’ Development Association for five years. Since June 2010, he is a senior regional programme officer for Pact Ethiopia,a US-based NGO.Following the footsteps of his mentor <strong>and</strong> big brother Kalla Gezaheign Woldedawit, Tariku Woldedawitis currently studying engineering at a college in Arbaminch. Due to his keen interest in peace building, Tariku participated inthe <strong>Mediation</strong> Qualification training series <strong>and</strong> the <strong>Mediation</strong> Training of Trainers courses conducted by GIZ CPS with inmedioBerlin. He is a certified mediator in facilitative mediation106 <strong>Mediation</strong> Trainer’s Manual
Part VII APPENDICESKnown traditional conflict-resolution methods in Ethiopia are thekitcha of the Gurage, the occudho system of the Anywaa of Gambella,the mad’aa in the Afar region, <strong>and</strong> the shimgelina system of theAmhara people.Another form of governance <strong>and</strong> indigenous conflict-resolution is thegadaa among the Oromo. Gadaa is defined as a system of classes (luba)that succeed each other every eight years in assuming military, economic<strong>and</strong> ritual responsibilities. Each gadaa class remains in power for a specificterm, which begins <strong>and</strong> ends with a formal power-transfer ceremony. Thegadaa system has mechanisms to prevent conflicts from becoming violent<strong>and</strong> to solve them at grass-roots level if they do turn violent. 54In the Afar region, economic, social <strong>and</strong> political conflicts areresolved outside the court. They are h<strong>and</strong>led at the local level throughthe traditional medaa administrative system. Local mediators’ resolutionsare generally reached through arbitration <strong>and</strong> with reference to Afarnorms <strong>and</strong> values. The most commonly recognised resolution mechanismsare reconciliation by elders <strong>and</strong> arbitration by community leaders<strong>and</strong> religious leaders. While elders settle minor issues, the more seriousissues are brought to the attention of the community leaders. This traditionalinstitution acquires its authority from communal laws; it variesfrom community to community <strong>and</strong> has complex rules. 55In his research study, Kelemework Tafere Reda describes variousaspects of Afar wise-counsel mediation mechanisms in detail. Accordingto Reda, “The Afar believe that all disputes within their ethnic groupsshould be resolved…peacefully <strong>and</strong> according to the long-st<strong>and</strong>ingcustomary laws (mad'aa). Mad'aa consists of specified guidelines <strong>and</strong>rules on how to h<strong>and</strong>le dispute cases.” 56According to Reda, the Afar people have a strong respect for thetraditional rules <strong>and</strong> guidelines that descend to them from their predecessors.When misconduct is detected, reference is quickly made to suchunwritten customary laws, which provide the normative framework <strong>and</strong>value system in their culture. One such fundamental norm is the fear of<strong>and</strong> respect for the village elders, who are believed to have long-accumulatedwisdom. They are considered instrumental for the transfer oftraditional knowledge <strong>and</strong> customs to successive generations. According54 Institute for Peace <strong>and</strong> Security Studies in collaboration with Friedrich Ebert Stiftung. (2010).55 Ibid.56 Reda, K.T. (2011).57 Girshaw, T. (2004).to Tirsit Girshaw, elders <strong>and</strong> tribe leaders are knowledgeable, respectedpersons that are traditionally accepted as mediators. 57 This means that therole of the mediator is both acquired <strong>and</strong> hereditary.The mediators choose the venue of mediation. It is common practicefor the venue to be in good tree shade, which must be near water,should be easily accessible <strong>and</strong> central to the parties <strong>and</strong> the mediators.Mediators also nominate a person who is well experienced in oral reiteration.The role of this duplicator is not only to repeat what the parties sayin a culturally-appropriate way, but also to make the parties feel that theyare being listened to. Duplicators thus play a key communication rolein the process <strong>and</strong> assist mediators to identify issues <strong>and</strong> clarify points.Once a conflict case is in the elders’ h<strong>and</strong>s, there is very littleroom for an individual to further his interests by force. This is one ofthe major contrasts to facilitative mediation. In fact, this mad’aa formof wise-counsel mediation can be characterised as arbitration ratherthan mediation. It seems to be the norm to wait—no matter how long ittakes—for the elders to process the dispute <strong>and</strong> reach a settlement.On several occasions, conflict processing takes a long time beforemutually-acceptable outcomes are proposed <strong>and</strong> a settlement is finallyreached. If a dispute is settled through compensation, the amount ofcompensation depends on the type of the offence <strong>and</strong> its context. In thecase of a minor wound, for example, there are special steps to followbefore reconciliation can be achieved through the involvement of clanleaders. A wound is considered minor by a traditional healer if the bonesare not exposed. In such a case, the person who caused the injury hasto give the wounded a goat in order to “wash his blood.” Then after aday or two he again offers another to “heal the wound”. This payment iscalled maldino. Finally, there will be a compensation payment (morrusso)ranging from 12 Birr to a camel depending on the seriousness of the injury.The fine <strong>and</strong> compensation payment related to bodily injury dependson which part of the body was harmed. For example, the Afar considerdamage caused to the little finger, pointing finger, <strong>and</strong> ring finger asserious. This is because the first is considered the most peaceful, thesecond viewed as important for indicating locations, <strong>and</strong> the thirdregarded essential for marriage. The front <strong>and</strong> back parts of the body areAppendix A107