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Nation-Building and Contested Identities: Romanian & Hungarian ...

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“The California of the <strong>Romanian</strong>s”ulations of the 1880 law met significant opposition in the <strong>Romanian</strong> Parliament.Deputy D. Ghica considered that the law “gives material life, buttotally refuses public life to Dobrogea,” while another deputy claimed thatit “treats the Dobrogeans as a herd of slaves.” 38 Kogãlniceanu counteredthis criticism <strong>and</strong> won the Parliament’s approval for the bill only by underlyingits national priorities: “This law is made for nothing else but forDobrogea to become part of Romania, <strong>and</strong> its inhabitants to slowly assimilate<strong>and</strong> become <strong>Romanian</strong>s.” 39What did Kogãlniceanu mean by assimilation? Judging from hisoverall political activity, Kogãlniceanu was a liberal-democrat. 40As a prominent leader of the 1848 revolution in Moldavia, he militated forthe socio-political emancipation of the lower classes, pleaded for religioustolerance toward non-Orthodox Christians, <strong>and</strong> for the abolition of slaveryof the Gypsies in Moldavia. However, one can detect an underlyingtension between liberalism <strong>and</strong> nationalism in Kogãlniceanu’s politicalvision, most evident in his conception of the “assimilation” of Dobrogeaput forward during the parliamentary debates over the Law on the Organizationof Dobrogea.On the one h<strong>and</strong>, Kogãlniceanu backed a liberal organization of theprovince, in order to observe the religious <strong>and</strong> cultural autonomy of all ethnicgroups, convinced that, on the basis of reciprocity, a showcase wouldhelp to improve the national rights enjoyed by ethnic <strong>Romanian</strong>s in neighboringcountries as well. On the other h<strong>and</strong>, Kogãlniceanu pleaded for theimplementation of a “<strong>Romanian</strong> political order” in Dobrogea, which wasmeant to extend in the province the jurisdiction of the institutions of the<strong>Romanian</strong> nation-state <strong>and</strong> to favor the political <strong>and</strong> economic dominationof ethnic <strong>Romanian</strong>s. These objectives set limits to the degree of culturalautonomy allowed to ethnic groups in the province: Kogãlniceanu defendedthe rights of ethnic minorities in Dobrogea to education in their own language,providing that they study courses in <strong>Romanian</strong> as well, to practicingtheir own religion, with the provision that they accept the jurisdiction of<strong>Romanian</strong> civil laws, <strong>and</strong> to a minimum st<strong>and</strong>ard of civil rights <strong>and</strong> liberties,except for cases in which this endangered the “public order.” The meanschosen to implement a “<strong>Romanian</strong> order” in Dobrogea further highlightedthe tension between liberalism <strong>and</strong> nationalism in Kogãlniceanu’s conceptionof assimilation. First, Kogãlniceanu believed that the success of theprogram of “<strong>Romanian</strong>ization” of Dobrogea depends on the implementationof a temporary separate administrative organization in the province:We want, therefore, this province to be overwhelmingly [eminamente]<strong>Romanian</strong>, but who is saying assimilation is saying a labor period, anepoch of transition; it is a work to assimilate. If we are to give this131

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