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Nation-Building and Contested Identities: Romanian & Hungarian ...

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Transylvania Revisitedidentities – is represented in <strong>Romanian</strong> public discourse. Simply put, thisrepresentation takes two distinct discursive forms.The first calls for unity against foreign forms of ideological oppression,implying that <strong>Romanian</strong>s are one people within a centralised form ofgovernment, embodied in “the <strong>Romanian</strong> unitary nation-state.” Thisexpression is yet another facet of the phenomenon – emphasized earlierin this study – which describes the nation-state as possessing the onlyexpression of sovereignty. The supporters of this conception, integralists,suggest that Romania is the “home of all (<strong>and</strong> only of) <strong>Romanian</strong>s,” theeternal state. The slogans <strong>and</strong> populist rhetoric of <strong>Romanian</strong> nationalists– the most common being “Transylvania is in danger of being occupied by<strong>Hungarian</strong>s” – reflect a common psychological phenomenon that many<strong>Romanian</strong>s spontaneously share. From this perspective, the communistregime proved successful in uniformly shaping the <strong>Romanian</strong> psyche <strong>and</strong>inoculating various fundamentalist themes. Well-represented in Transylvaniaby the Mayor of Cluj, Gheorghe Funar, <strong>and</strong> in Bucharest byCorneliu Vadim Tudor, the leader of Greater Romania Party, this national-communistperspective does indeed benefit from quite large domesticsupport, hence its variations <strong>and</strong> representations in the public opinion.The second form emanates mainly from Transylvania (<strong>and</strong> Hungary)<strong>and</strong> suggests that centralisation has lived its days <strong>and</strong> other forms of politicalloyalty should be introduced (via devolution <strong>and</strong> federalization). Thatis, the supporters of regionalism (or regionalists) believe that a sense ofdistinctness survived in Transylvania <strong>and</strong> can successfully be exercised inorder to gain various strategic political goals. In other words, within theofficial national character that presents the <strong>Romanian</strong> nation as superiorto other nations, a subaltern mentality has emerged in Transylvania, indicatinga transgression of <strong>Romanian</strong>ness. By pointing out that parts ofRomania, such as Transylvania <strong>and</strong> the Banat, 11 may more convincinglyintegrate into an European framework – due to historic traditions, multiethniccohabitation, religious tolerance –, this new trend visibly createsspace for addressing fundamental questions concerning the <strong>Romanian</strong>psyche, i.e., that there is a difference within Romania in terms of the samenational group, or, in other words, it seems that “Europeanness” has differentconnotations in Cluj than in Bucharest. Promoting the idea ofbelonging to Central Europe, intellectuals from Transylvania <strong>and</strong> theBanat attempt to construct a distinction between their regions, in whichcivil society <strong>and</strong> political pluralism had certain traditions, <strong>and</strong> the rest ofRomania, which they putatively associate with the Balkans. 12 At the intersectionof these two symbolic geographies resides an underst<strong>and</strong>ing ofboth Transylvania’s relationship with Romania <strong>and</strong> of Romania’ place inEurope. How could these positions be reconciled?201

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