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Nation-Building and Contested Identities: Romanian & Hungarian ...

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<strong>Nation</strong>hood <strong>and</strong> Identitydenied citizenship. Likewise, the efficiency of its use (or of its civic, political<strong>and</strong> social components) depends on the characteristics of the socialfield within the borders of the state.Following the same logic, in a nation-state where the concept ofnation is primarily territorial-political, such as France, the nation functionsas a public good. But the logic of nationhood in a state where thenation is primarily conceived ethnoculturally – such as Germany, <strong>and</strong>Romania as well – is no longer that of the public good, but rather the logicof the club. That is, the use of this collective good is restricted to the membersof the club. The <strong>Romanian</strong>s “enjoy” their nation, while the <strong>Hungarian</strong>sare excluded from it. Or, to conceive the situation from another pointof view, the <strong>Hungarian</strong>s exclude themselves from it, by entering the “club”of the <strong>Hungarian</strong> nation, <strong>and</strong> enjoying its goods <strong>and</strong> services.One may as well conceive of nationalities as clubs within nation-states.<strong>Nation</strong>ality constitutes a collective good that everyone may use for personalgoals, <strong>and</strong> no one can be prevented from enjoying it. This collective goodis abundant <strong>and</strong> so are its uses. But the quality of this good depends, naturally,on how it is used or abused. Perhaps every <strong>Romanian</strong> has a strongopinion on the use of nationality as a collective good by the “members ofthe club.” This is the logic of the <strong>Hungarian</strong>s as well: they are members ofa club that extends its boundary beyond the (geographical) borders of the<strong>Romanian</strong> state. The collective good provided by the club – <strong>Hungarian</strong>nationality – is produced <strong>and</strong> maintained by all the members of the club(both <strong>Hungarian</strong>s from Hungary, <strong>and</strong> from abroad).If one confines the analysis to the ways in which <strong>Hungarian</strong>s inRomania make use of their ethnicity, one may say that, beyond the immediate,perceptible disadvantages they experience – which can be identifiedin the discourse of the <strong>Hungarian</strong> elite in Romania – at a practical level,at least from a <strong>Romanian</strong>’s point of view, their ethnicity constitutes a considerableresource for the <strong>Hungarian</strong>s. The first component of this resourceis knowledge of the <strong>Hungarian</strong> language. The advantages are easily identified.First, in the competition for positions in the state administration(obviously, this depends on the current formulation of the local administrationlaw), where speaking the <strong>Hungarian</strong> language is required, <strong>and</strong> second,in the opportunities created by the external homel<strong>and</strong>. One examplefrom academic circles is the foreign scientific literature translated into<strong>Hungarian</strong>, not yet available in <strong>Romanian</strong>. From this point of view, the situationof the <strong>Romanian</strong>s is not (<strong>and</strong> can not be) symmetric. There are nostructural incentives to learn <strong>Hungarian</strong> <strong>and</strong> the contexts of actually practicingit are scarce. Moreover, <strong>Romanian</strong>s do not dispose of comparableopportunities <strong>and</strong> means to learn <strong>Hungarian</strong> – the <strong>Hungarian</strong> language isnot compulsory or optionally taught in elementary or secondary schools.241

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