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Nation-Building and Contested Identities: Romanian & Hungarian ...

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<strong>Nation</strong>hood <strong>and</strong> Identitygories are produced, evaluated <strong>and</strong> hierarchized; <strong>and</strong> employing these categoriesin the production of self-definition <strong>and</strong> definition of the other,through operations of ascription <strong>and</strong> opposition. Ties established with<strong>Romanian</strong>s help them underst<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> define their relationship with the<strong>Romanian</strong> state <strong>and</strong> its institutions (on the one h<strong>and</strong>, through interactionswith <strong>Romanian</strong> employees working in the various institutions; on theother h<strong>and</strong>, with <strong>Romanian</strong>s as representatives of a culture that marks thecharacter of the state).The bonds with the <strong>Romanian</strong> state undergo a qualitative changewhen the person, belonging to the (<strong>Hungarian</strong>) minority, realizes his orher situation of being a citizen of Romania, a state bearing the name ofanother nation. Perhaps one of the first encounters with the <strong>Romanian</strong>state is the experience of acquiring the first identity card. In many cases,this moment also represents an opportunity to assert a person’s own ethnicbelonging. 21 The relationship with the <strong>Romanian</strong> state is continuous<strong>and</strong> stable, since <strong>Romanian</strong> institutions structure the activity <strong>and</strong> everydaylife of the ethnic <strong>Hungarian</strong> citizen: education, work, leisure, etc. In fact,the <strong>Hungarian</strong> is accommodated within the <strong>Romanian</strong> state as much asany <strong>Romanian</strong>. To be dissatisfied with the performance of state institutions<strong>and</strong> to express this fact is as natural <strong>and</strong> legitimate for him as wouldbe for any ethnic <strong>Romanian</strong>.But once the <strong>Hungarian</strong> relates himself to the other state, to theexternal homel<strong>and</strong>, his existence as citizen of the <strong>Romanian</strong> state alters.The direct experience of the institutions <strong>and</strong> the people of the homel<strong>and</strong>(much increased after 1989 by the free travel between the twocountries) modifies both the continuous process of identity-construction,<strong>and</strong> the way he relates to the <strong>Romanian</strong> state. Having experiencedthe functioning of the administration <strong>and</strong> institutions of the homel<strong>and</strong>,the <strong>Hungarian</strong> from Romania redefines his underst<strong>and</strong>ing <strong>and</strong> assessmentof the performance of the <strong>Romanian</strong> state institutions accordingly.A dissatisfaction with the performance of institutions is graduallydoubled by a dissatisfaction with the performance of the <strong>Romanian</strong>state compared to the <strong>Hungarian</strong> state. In fact, this process of “ethnicizing”assessments <strong>and</strong> interactions is often present in situations characterizedby inconvenience, tension, or conflict, while objectively theyare independent of the ethnic variable of the actors.The relationship with the <strong>Romanian</strong> state is once more redefinedaccording to the expectations of the <strong>Hungarian</strong> with respect to the externalhomel<strong>and</strong>. The political <strong>and</strong> cultural elites from Hungary repeatedlyasserted that the ethnonational kin abroad have a special relation tothe <strong>Hungarian</strong> state, as members of the <strong>Hungarian</strong> nation. This discourselegitimizes the expectations of <strong>Hungarian</strong>s abroad with regard to231

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