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Nation-Building and Contested Identities: Romanian & Hungarian ...

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I claim that the production of the present-day identities of <strong>Romanian</strong>s<strong>and</strong> <strong>Hungarian</strong>s in Transylvania is essentially structured by these twohistorical processes, besides the emotional <strong>and</strong> symbolic heritage of thecommon history within the Habsburg Empire. In Transylvania, the firsthistorical process meant the demotion of a national group, as the <strong>Hungarian</strong>slost their administrative positions together with all the privilegesassociated with a politically dominant ethnicity. This was accompanied bythe political <strong>and</strong> cultural rise of the formerly subjugated ethnic group: theTransylvanian <strong>Romanian</strong>s. At the level of elite discourse, “Transylvanism,”the ideology of the Transylvanian <strong>Hungarian</strong> elite, born as a result of theseparation of Transylvania from Hungary, was symptomatic for the <strong>Hungarian</strong>trauma of territorial <strong>and</strong> symbolic loss. In contrast, the <strong>Romanian</strong>reaction included various integrationist ideological productions.The second historical process injured both national groups. Thenational ideology developed during Ceauºescu’s rule was, in fact, a formof de-nationalization of the <strong>Romanian</strong>s themselves, rooted in a need tomystify national history according to the logic of an immanent communistsociety, <strong>and</strong> to legitimize the communist leader who represented himselfas the symbol of the “novel” social <strong>and</strong> mental structures of the <strong>Romanian</strong>society. This process of “modernization” <strong>and</strong> of “new” nation-buildingaffected the <strong>Hungarian</strong>s as well. During this period of time, they also witnesseda further demotion of their national group in terms of the status ofthe education in <strong>Hungarian</strong> language.Conceptual Framework<strong>Nation</strong>hood <strong>and</strong> IdentityThe fall of the totalitarian system in December 1989 produced the reformulationof arguments (<strong>and</strong> fears) regarding the nation <strong>and</strong> the state, thusconsecrating the language of debates that were carried within a differentinstitutional context <strong>and</strong> following different rules of communication thanbefore. One may argue that the national discourse was a constitutive partof the process of re-institutionalization of the <strong>Romanian</strong> society, especiallyin the spheres of education, local administration, <strong>and</strong> party-politics.Therefore, such an analysis necessitates a relational perspective. 15The identities that the majority population <strong>and</strong> the minority groups construct(both self-identities <strong>and</strong> identities of the other), as well as the relationshipbetween them, are shaped not only by recent history, but also bythe continuous struggles to legitimize their discourses <strong>and</strong> actions withinthe current <strong>Romanian</strong> political field. Both the majority <strong>and</strong> the minorityelites seek positions of domination, trying to define the legitimate values<strong>and</strong> symbolic capitals, <strong>and</strong> imposing perception schemes that would servetheir aims <strong>and</strong> goals.229

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