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Nation-Building and Contested Identities: Romanian & Hungarian ...

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<strong>Nation</strong>hood <strong>and</strong> IdentityCulture functions as a principle of distinction. On the one h<strong>and</strong>, it compriseselements that simultaneously distinguish the <strong>Hungarian</strong>s from the<strong>Romanian</strong>s <strong>and</strong> homogenize them (not least in terms of common belonging)under a collective identity. On the other h<strong>and</strong>, while consecratingtheir bond with the <strong>Hungarian</strong> nation <strong>and</strong> the legitimacy of their allegedattachment to the external national homel<strong>and</strong>, culture further differentiatesthem from <strong>Hungarian</strong>s in Hungary.Only 8.2% of the <strong>Hungarian</strong>s in Transylvania believe that beinga <strong>Hungarian</strong> citizen is essential for being considered a <strong>Hungarian</strong>. Evenmore arbitrary, <strong>and</strong> thus less significant, is the place where one was born<strong>and</strong> the place where one lives. Birthplace is considered important innational identification by 3.0% of <strong>Hungarian</strong>s, compared to 56.3% of<strong>Romanian</strong>s (this is the most important defining characteristic for themajority group). Residence is of importance for 2.4% of <strong>Hungarian</strong>s, <strong>and</strong>,respectively, 18.2% of <strong>Romanian</strong>s. The most important feature for <strong>Hungarian</strong>sis the language (82.5%), operating both as a practical <strong>and</strong> a symbolicmeans of national self-assertion. Language is one key element of therelationship between <strong>Romanian</strong>s <strong>and</strong> <strong>Hungarian</strong>s (not least at an institutionallevel), as it is the most powerful symbolic <strong>and</strong> institutional elementof domination. 32 If citizenship (which may be understood as a bureaucratic,administrative, or institutional element) is not important for the selfidentificationas an ethnic <strong>Hungarian</strong> in Transylvania, the situation isopposite in the case of the <strong>Hungarian</strong> flag, symbolically situated at theconfluence of the institutional <strong>and</strong> the cultural field. Honoring the <strong>Hungarian</strong>flag receives a more important weight than the one accorded to citizenship(17.3%).Analytically, the national self-definition of <strong>Romanian</strong>s is a mixedterritorial-cultural construct. The <strong>Hungarian</strong>s’ national self-definition ispar excellence cultural. Nevertheless, as I indicated before, nation <strong>and</strong>nationality as systems of categories of perception <strong>and</strong> practice are shapedby the individual <strong>and</strong> group relations with the set of institutions (state-territorial,regional, <strong>and</strong> local, respectively cultural <strong>and</strong> political) organizingtheir everyday life.In order to analyze the internal consistency of these definitions,I examine the correspondent definitions of “the other.” Do <strong>Romanian</strong>spreserve their criteria of identification when they offer definitions of <strong>Hungarian</strong>s?Do <strong>Hungarian</strong>s preserve their criteria of identification when theydefine the <strong>Romanian</strong>s? In the following table the paired figures are presented:237

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