Socio-economic Baseline Survey of Chittagong Hill Tracts - chtdf

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HDRCSocio-economic Baseline Survey of Chittagong Hill Tracts5Meanwhile, with the political changeover that took place in Bangladesh in 1975 inconnection with tragic incidents of assassination of the then President along with some otherkey political leaders and over-throwing of the elected constitutional government, militarydominatedgovernments ruled the country for about 15 years. These governments also failedto realize the gravity of the problem in CHT, and rather wrongly viewed it as insurgency thathad arisen from backward infrastructure, unorganized marketing system and exploitation ofnatural resources, illegal grabbing of indigenous land; and eventually undertook the policy ofresolving the situation from the position of achieving a military solution. Since then thesuccessive governments encouraged sponsored population transfer programme (1979-1984).During 1979-1985, around 400,000 poor Bangalees had been uplifted from the plain districtsof Bangladesh and transmigrated to CHT (Barkat and Huda 1988, Ali 1993, Mohsin 1997,Shelly 1997, Halim & Roy, 2007). However, around 15% of these transmigrated people hadreportedly left CHT because of insecurity and being completely alien to the livingenvironment (Shelly 1992, Roy 1995). Millions of Taka from the national exchequer wereearmarked and spent to cover the expenses of the transmigration operation, but no publicannouncements and notifications in this regard were made. In October 1976, the Governmentofficially involved the armed forces in ‘Aid to Civil Power’ (Rokonuddowla, 2007) whichtriggered tension in the region. It is to be noted that, by this time, some of the IP politicalgroups also undertook the policy of armed confrontations (Shanti Bahini attacks) with theauthorities while the police force have proved themselves incapable of dealing with suchconfrontations.The Government, in response to IPs’ insurgencies, had undertaken the traditional multibranchedcounter insurgency strategy including (i) use of military force, and (ii) use of sociodemographicmeasures (including political and socio-cultural interventions, (iii) ‘socioeconomicassistance for development’, (iv) ‘winning over hearts and minds of the people’ bykeeping demographic engineering interventions as the heart of the strategy. In reality, allthese strategies together had been implemented as (i) use of force to evict and relocate theindigenous population from their land and villages, and (ii) transmigration of tens ofthousands of landless and poor Bangalees from the plain land (mostly the river-erosionvictims) and settling in plots provided by the state. The main objectives behind thesestrategies were as follows: (i) the settlement of a large number of Bangalee households inCHT would enhance the size of population loyal to the state, and (ii) these fresh settlementswould act as counterweight to the population demanding indigenous peoples’ rights andregional autonomy. Furthermore, the Bangalee population transmigrated to CHT, if needed,would serve as ‘human shields’ and/or ‘hostages to fortune’ for the security forces. 12Although there are several debates about intensity and duration of the armed conflict relatedto insurgency and counter-insurgency operations, a distinct shift in the counter-insurgencystrategy from the Government had been observed since the mid 1980s. These include (i)Government’s suspension of large-scale transmigration program, (ii) initiation of informaland formal contacts and/or dialogues with the IPs, (iii) declaration of CHT as a specialeconomic area, (iv) deployment of resources for ‘pacification’ to integrate IPs and Bangaleestowards ‘confidence building’, (v) introduction of 5% quota in all governmental recruitments,and student intakes at all educational institutions for all indigenous populations (includingthose on the plain land), and (vi) introduction of 10% quota for contractors from among IPsin all development works/projects undertaken in CHT. Thus, it shows that the state hadinitiated a process aiming at development of peace and confidence building in CHT more12 Adnan, 2004
HDRCSocio-economic Baseline Survey of Chittagong Hill Tracts6than a decade before it culminated through signing of CHT Treaty in 1997. However, it is tobe noted that the level of persuasion varied during the terms of different governments, wasrelated to political commitment of the latter to the causes of establishing peace anddevelopment in CHT.Administratively, CHT comprises of three hill districts: Banadarban (4479 sq. km.),Khagrachari (2699 sq. km.), and Rangamati (6116 sq. km.). The three hill districts compriseof seven main valleys formed by the Feni, Karnafuli, Chengi, Myni, Kassalong, Sangu andMatamuhuri rivers and their tributaries, and numerous hills (Kiukarotlang,Chinchirmawitlang, and Chimbuk), ravines and cliffs covered with dense vegetation (trees,bush, creeper jungles etc.) which are in complete contrast to most of the other districts ofBangladesh consisting mainly of plain alluvial land. Bandarban district comprises of 7upazilas (sub-disricts), 29 unions (smallest administrative units), 97 mouzas (revenue units)and 1501 paras (villages). There are 8 upazilas, 34 unions, 120 mouzas and 1581 paras inKhagrachori; and 10 upazilas, 48 unions, 162 mouzas and 1344 paras in Rangamati district.However, beside formal administrative structure 13 of the region, the CHT is traditionallydivided into three circles: (i) Chakma Circle, (ii) Mong Circle, and (iii) Bhomong Circle.Each of the circles is headed by a Circle Chief 14 , traditionally known as Raja (king). TheCircle Chiefs are entrusted with the collection of taxes, and empowered to resolve conflictsand dispense justice in ‘tribal’ courts in accordance with the customary laws of theindigenous peoples (IPs) living under their respective jurisdictions. The circle chiefs arerepresented at the mouza level by a Headman and at the para level by a Karbari.According to the CHT Regulation 1900 (section 7), the “general” administration of the CHTin civil, criminal, revenue and “all other matters” is vested in the Deputy Commissioner (DC,who is a government –appointed functionally. The DC is obliged to act with the chiefs onimportant matters affecting the administration of the CHT (Rule 39, CHT Regulation) and aswell consult with the headman on matters of land and revenue. However, the efficacy of thispractice seems to vary in accordance with the nature of the relationship between theindividuals involved. In addition, there exists a Hill District Council (HDC’s) comprising of15 members and headed by a Chairperson 15 for the past two decades in each district of CHT.The regions general administration is vested in a number of authorities , including the DC,Chiefs and Headman, and the HDC’s, although the DC’s role is still perhaps the mostauthoritative on account of his powers over land matters, “law and order “ and the issuance oflicenses and permits for trade and commerce and the extraction of natural resources. 16Moreover, since the signing of the CHT Accord in 1997, a Hill Regional Council headed by aChairperson (mandatorily from IPs) and 22 members (with two-thirds from among the IPs)has been constituted for overall coordination of administrative and developmental affairs inthe region.. According to the RC Act of 1998, the Regional Council (RC) also can formallyask the national government to remove any inconsistencies between the CHT Regulation of1900and other laws. However this legislative role of RC is yet to been seen in practice. 1713 District headed by Deputy Commissioner, Upazila by UNO, and Union by UP Chairman.14 Since 1881, the Government established the formal structure of traditional authority among the indigenous peoples inCHT which is in force till date (for details, see Adnan 2004).15 Members and Chairpersons of all these councils according to law are to be elected. However, till date the councils arefunctioning by the ad hoc appointees.16 Roy, 200017 Roy ibid.
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Socio-economic Baseline Survey of Chittagong Hill Tracts - chtdf

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