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Review of Strategies to Address Gender Inequalities in Scottish ...

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Archer and Yamashita (2003) argue that there is evidence <strong>of</strong> the ‘normalisation’ <strong>of</strong>particular, white, middle-class values with<strong>in</strong> education which fail <strong>to</strong> recognise importantaspects <strong>of</strong> work<strong>in</strong>g-class boys’ identities. For example, they argue that policies andstrategies fail <strong>to</strong> grasp the extent <strong>to</strong> which some boys ‘experience strong emotionalattachment <strong>to</strong> identities grounded outside <strong>of</strong> the education context’ (p129). Thatattachment manifests itself <strong>in</strong> the deliberate cultivation <strong>of</strong> particular k<strong>in</strong>ds <strong>of</strong> embodiedmascul<strong>in</strong>ities such as forms <strong>of</strong> speech and dress, which not only attract the disapproval <strong>of</strong>schools but, <strong>in</strong> the longer run, are likely <strong>to</strong> h<strong>in</strong>der the social mobility <strong>of</strong> the boys.From another po<strong>in</strong>t <strong>of</strong> view, the ‘gender gap’ <strong>in</strong> atta<strong>in</strong>ment could be unders<strong>to</strong>od <strong>in</strong> terms<strong>of</strong> girls’ success rather than as <strong>in</strong>dicative <strong>of</strong> boys’ failure (Sukhnandan, 1999). The<strong>in</strong>troduction <strong>of</strong> comprehensive school<strong>in</strong>g (Epste<strong>in</strong>, 1998), the removal <strong>of</strong> gender-biasedselection procedures for the secondary phase <strong>of</strong> school<strong>in</strong>g (Gipps and Murphy, 1994;Croxford, 2000) and the success <strong>of</strong> equal opportunities programmes are all credited withcontribut<strong>in</strong>g <strong>to</strong> the relative rise <strong>in</strong> the atta<strong>in</strong>ment <strong>of</strong> girls.Recent literature challenges a view <strong>of</strong> gender as pathologically determ<strong>in</strong>ed and, <strong>in</strong>stead,presents a more complex account <strong>of</strong> how boys and girls <strong>in</strong>teract with school<strong>in</strong>g,develop<strong>in</strong>g and modify<strong>in</strong>g their sense <strong>of</strong> themselves <strong>in</strong> response <strong>to</strong> particularcircumstances, both <strong>in</strong> school and beyond school, shaped by a whole range <strong>of</strong> socialfac<strong>to</strong>rs – social class, culture, sexuality, ethnicity. Thus, schools have <strong>to</strong> acknowledge adiversity <strong>of</strong> mascul<strong>in</strong>ities and fem<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>ities and validate a range <strong>of</strong> pupil identities.2.4 Stage-specific issuesi. Early education<strong>Gender</strong> <strong>in</strong>equalities have been identified <strong>in</strong> basel<strong>in</strong>e assessments <strong>in</strong> the first year <strong>of</strong>primary school (Wilk<strong>in</strong>son et al, 1999) and there have been concerns about boys’ slowstart <strong>in</strong> two areas <strong>in</strong> particular: literacy and personal, emotional and social development.Literacy is seen as key <strong>to</strong> atta<strong>in</strong>ment across the curriculum, while boys’ attitudes <strong>to</strong>school and school<strong>in</strong>g are <strong>in</strong>fluenced by their personal development (Murphy andEllwood, 1997). In review<strong>in</strong>g Early Years research, BERA (2003) noted that the major<strong>in</strong>fluences on young children’s progress <strong>in</strong> the early years were prior atta<strong>in</strong>ment on entry<strong>to</strong> formal school<strong>in</strong>g and teacher expectations (Tizard et al, 1988).ii. Subject choicesThere have been many studies (Riddell, 1992; Sutherland, 1999; Croxford, 2000)detail<strong>in</strong>g gendered patterns <strong>of</strong> subject uptake. Of particular concern has been the lowlevel <strong>of</strong> female uptake <strong>of</strong> mathematics, science and eng<strong>in</strong>eer<strong>in</strong>g courses, femaleparticipation <strong>in</strong> craft and technology courses and low male uptake <strong>of</strong> modern languages.Explanations <strong>in</strong>clude the stereotyp<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> subjects by pupils, teachers and parents,perceptions <strong>of</strong> the usefulness <strong>of</strong> the subject <strong>to</strong> future lives and careers, wider socialexpectations and pupils’ own <strong>in</strong>terests.iii. Post-school experienceChanges <strong>in</strong> forms <strong>of</strong> participation <strong>in</strong> the labour market <strong>in</strong> a post-<strong>in</strong>dustrial economy havebrought many more women <strong>in</strong><strong>to</strong> the labour force. It is possible for more girls <strong>to</strong> envisiontheir future lives <strong>in</strong> work as well as, or <strong>in</strong>stead <strong>of</strong>, at home. In their study <strong>of</strong> post-16transitions, Macrae and Maguire (2000: 172) noted that girls tended <strong>to</strong> have ‘clearergoals and firmer ideas about their futures, regardless <strong>of</strong> race, class or academicachievement’.______________________________________________________________________________________<strong>Review</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Strategies</strong> <strong>to</strong> 7 University <strong>of</strong> Strathclyde<strong>Address</strong> <strong>Gender</strong> <strong>Inequalities</strong>and University <strong>of</strong> Glasgow

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