grounds that they are based upon assumptions about the ‘natural’ predispositions <strong>of</strong> boysthat emphasise their tendency <strong>to</strong> behave, th<strong>in</strong>k and learn <strong>in</strong> particular ways.Jackson (2002) argues for a multi-dimensional conceptualisation <strong>of</strong> mascul<strong>in</strong>ity, morecomplex than typical stereotyp<strong>in</strong>g acknowledges, and discusses how boys protect theirself-worth <strong>in</strong> school sett<strong>in</strong>gs where academic achievement is the s<strong>in</strong>gle most importantcriterion <strong>in</strong> judg<strong>in</strong>g the worth <strong>of</strong> pupils. Caught between two compet<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>fluences ontheir sense <strong>of</strong> themselves – the need <strong>to</strong> conform <strong>to</strong> hegemonic mascul<strong>in</strong>ities and thedesire <strong>to</strong> value one’s own worth – Jackson identifies four strategies commonly employedby boys <strong>to</strong> protect their mascul<strong>in</strong>e identities: procrast<strong>in</strong>ation; withdrawal <strong>of</strong> effort andrejection <strong>of</strong> academic work; avoidance <strong>of</strong> the appearance <strong>of</strong> work; and disruptivebehaviour.He identifies four benefits <strong>to</strong> disruptive behaviour. In the first <strong>in</strong>stance, it can <strong>in</strong>crease aboy’s status with his peer group, who may see him as demonstrat<strong>in</strong>g ‘appropriate’ forms<strong>of</strong> mascul<strong>in</strong>ity. Second, it can deflect attention away from academic performance and on<strong>to</strong> behaviour. Third, failure <strong>to</strong> achieve can be attributed <strong>to</strong> poor behaviour rather than <strong>to</strong>lack <strong>of</strong> ability and, fourth, it may sabotage the academic efforts <strong>of</strong> classmates outwith themascul<strong>in</strong>e hegemony. Such explanations go some way <strong>to</strong> expla<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g the disproportionatenumber <strong>of</strong> behaviour referrals and exclusions accorded <strong>to</strong> boys.Theories <strong>of</strong> mascul<strong>in</strong>ity <strong>of</strong>fer a better understand<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> boys’ attitudes and experiences <strong>of</strong>school and facilitate a critical appraisal <strong>of</strong> the strategies used by schools <strong>to</strong> addressgender <strong>in</strong>equalities. Where strategies are based on a simplistic, one-dimensionalconceptualisation <strong>of</strong> mascul<strong>in</strong>ity, the actual effect may be <strong>to</strong> re<strong>in</strong>force particular ways <strong>of</strong>be<strong>in</strong>g mascul<strong>in</strong>e and <strong>to</strong> ignore and underm<strong>in</strong>e other ways:<strong>Strategies</strong> ‘designed <strong>to</strong> motivate under-achiev<strong>in</strong>g boys throughfootball study centres and ‘boy-friendly’ texts’ embrace the discourse<strong>of</strong> academic study as ‘non-mascul<strong>in</strong>e’ and ‘fem<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>e’ and can onlyoperate <strong>to</strong> make life more difficult for those who take up nonhegemonicidentities.(Renold, 2001)Skel<strong>to</strong>n (2001) criticises the widespread trend <strong>in</strong> schools and education authorities<strong>to</strong>wards produc<strong>in</strong>g support materials designed <strong>to</strong> make classrooms more ‘boy friendly’ byendors<strong>in</strong>g one k<strong>in</strong>d <strong>of</strong> mascul<strong>in</strong>ity – that which is aggressive, active and dom<strong>in</strong>ant.However, she acknowledges that research <strong>in</strong><strong>to</strong> mascul<strong>in</strong>ities has not been <strong>in</strong>fluential <strong>in</strong>develop<strong>in</strong>g the practical approaches so much demanded by schools.<strong>Strategies</strong> <strong>in</strong>tended <strong>to</strong> enhance the educational prospects <strong>of</strong> boys may limit the capacity<strong>of</strong> schools <strong>to</strong> value and support the growth <strong>of</strong> other, and different, forms <strong>of</strong> genderedidentity. This is a significant challenge <strong>to</strong> implement<strong>in</strong>g such strategies: ga<strong>in</strong>s made forone group may have a negative impact on the experience <strong>of</strong> others.iii. <strong>Gender</strong> and wider social fac<strong>to</strong>rsA number <strong>of</strong> commenta<strong>to</strong>rs (e.g. Archer and Yamashita, 2003) contend that gender<strong>in</strong>teracts with other aspects <strong>of</strong> social be<strong>in</strong>g, such as class, culture, ethnicity and sexuality,<strong>to</strong> create multiple forms <strong>of</strong> identity and <strong>to</strong> ensure that with<strong>in</strong> the whole group <strong>of</strong> boys (orgirls) there is a range <strong>of</strong> quite different relationships <strong>to</strong> schools and school<strong>in</strong>g. Otherresearchers, e.g. Mac an Ghaill, (1988) and Blyth and Milner (1996) deal with race andracism and show how schools create alienation and disaffection <strong>in</strong> un<strong>in</strong>tentional butpotent ways. Arnot (2003) describes how work<strong>in</strong>g class boys’ engagement with themental activity <strong>of</strong> schoolwork dim<strong>in</strong>ishes their sense <strong>of</strong> their own mascul<strong>in</strong>ity through theresponses and views <strong>of</strong> their peer group, their family and their community. Not only isthe pursuit <strong>of</strong> academic atta<strong>in</strong>ment an act <strong>of</strong> disloyalty, it is also a form <strong>of</strong> emasculation.______________________________________________________________________________________<strong>Review</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Strategies</strong> <strong>to</strong> 6 University <strong>of</strong> Strathclyde<strong>Address</strong> <strong>Gender</strong> <strong>Inequalities</strong>and University <strong>of</strong> Glasgow
Archer and Yamashita (2003) argue that there is evidence <strong>of</strong> the ‘normalisation’ <strong>of</strong>particular, white, middle-class values with<strong>in</strong> education which fail <strong>to</strong> recognise importantaspects <strong>of</strong> work<strong>in</strong>g-class boys’ identities. For example, they argue that policies andstrategies fail <strong>to</strong> grasp the extent <strong>to</strong> which some boys ‘experience strong emotionalattachment <strong>to</strong> identities grounded outside <strong>of</strong> the education context’ (p129). Thatattachment manifests itself <strong>in</strong> the deliberate cultivation <strong>of</strong> particular k<strong>in</strong>ds <strong>of</strong> embodiedmascul<strong>in</strong>ities such as forms <strong>of</strong> speech and dress, which not only attract the disapproval <strong>of</strong>schools but, <strong>in</strong> the longer run, are likely <strong>to</strong> h<strong>in</strong>der the social mobility <strong>of</strong> the boys.From another po<strong>in</strong>t <strong>of</strong> view, the ‘gender gap’ <strong>in</strong> atta<strong>in</strong>ment could be unders<strong>to</strong>od <strong>in</strong> terms<strong>of</strong> girls’ success rather than as <strong>in</strong>dicative <strong>of</strong> boys’ failure (Sukhnandan, 1999). The<strong>in</strong>troduction <strong>of</strong> comprehensive school<strong>in</strong>g (Epste<strong>in</strong>, 1998), the removal <strong>of</strong> gender-biasedselection procedures for the secondary phase <strong>of</strong> school<strong>in</strong>g (Gipps and Murphy, 1994;Croxford, 2000) and the success <strong>of</strong> equal opportunities programmes are all credited withcontribut<strong>in</strong>g <strong>to</strong> the relative rise <strong>in</strong> the atta<strong>in</strong>ment <strong>of</strong> girls.Recent literature challenges a view <strong>of</strong> gender as pathologically determ<strong>in</strong>ed and, <strong>in</strong>stead,presents a more complex account <strong>of</strong> how boys and girls <strong>in</strong>teract with school<strong>in</strong>g,develop<strong>in</strong>g and modify<strong>in</strong>g their sense <strong>of</strong> themselves <strong>in</strong> response <strong>to</strong> particularcircumstances, both <strong>in</strong> school and beyond school, shaped by a whole range <strong>of</strong> socialfac<strong>to</strong>rs – social class, culture, sexuality, ethnicity. Thus, schools have <strong>to</strong> acknowledge adiversity <strong>of</strong> mascul<strong>in</strong>ities and fem<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>ities and validate a range <strong>of</strong> pupil identities.2.4 Stage-specific issuesi. Early education<strong>Gender</strong> <strong>in</strong>equalities have been identified <strong>in</strong> basel<strong>in</strong>e assessments <strong>in</strong> the first year <strong>of</strong>primary school (Wilk<strong>in</strong>son et al, 1999) and there have been concerns about boys’ slowstart <strong>in</strong> two areas <strong>in</strong> particular: literacy and personal, emotional and social development.Literacy is seen as key <strong>to</strong> atta<strong>in</strong>ment across the curriculum, while boys’ attitudes <strong>to</strong>school and school<strong>in</strong>g are <strong>in</strong>fluenced by their personal development (Murphy andEllwood, 1997). In review<strong>in</strong>g Early Years research, BERA (2003) noted that the major<strong>in</strong>fluences on young children’s progress <strong>in</strong> the early years were prior atta<strong>in</strong>ment on entry<strong>to</strong> formal school<strong>in</strong>g and teacher expectations (Tizard et al, 1988).ii. Subject choicesThere have been many studies (Riddell, 1992; Sutherland, 1999; Croxford, 2000)detail<strong>in</strong>g gendered patterns <strong>of</strong> subject uptake. Of particular concern has been the lowlevel <strong>of</strong> female uptake <strong>of</strong> mathematics, science and eng<strong>in</strong>eer<strong>in</strong>g courses, femaleparticipation <strong>in</strong> craft and technology courses and low male uptake <strong>of</strong> modern languages.Explanations <strong>in</strong>clude the stereotyp<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> subjects by pupils, teachers and parents,perceptions <strong>of</strong> the usefulness <strong>of</strong> the subject <strong>to</strong> future lives and careers, wider socialexpectations and pupils’ own <strong>in</strong>terests.iii. Post-school experienceChanges <strong>in</strong> forms <strong>of</strong> participation <strong>in</strong> the labour market <strong>in</strong> a post-<strong>in</strong>dustrial economy havebrought many more women <strong>in</strong><strong>to</strong> the labour force. It is possible for more girls <strong>to</strong> envisiontheir future lives <strong>in</strong> work as well as, or <strong>in</strong>stead <strong>of</strong>, at home. In their study <strong>of</strong> post-16transitions, Macrae and Maguire (2000: 172) noted that girls tended <strong>to</strong> have ‘clearergoals and firmer ideas about their futures, regardless <strong>of</strong> race, class or academicachievement’.______________________________________________________________________________________<strong>Review</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Strategies</strong> <strong>to</strong> 7 University <strong>of</strong> Strathclyde<strong>Address</strong> <strong>Gender</strong> <strong>Inequalities</strong>and University <strong>of</strong> Glasgow
- Page 3 and 4: CONTENTSACKNOWLEDGEMENTSEXECUTIVE S
- Page 5 and 6: EXECUTIVE SUMMARYIntroductionThe Re
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- Page 9 and 10: 6. Management and whole school pers
- Page 11 and 12: CHAPTER ONE THE STUDYRecent researc
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- Page 15: 2.3 Causes of gender inequalityA ra
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- Page 25 and 26: were still highly gendered. Further
- Page 27 and 28: CHAPTER THREE SURVEY OF LOCAL AUTHO
- Page 29 and 30: curriculum structures and lifelong
- Page 31 and 32: ‘Getting the best out of Boys’
- Page 33 and 34: 4.2 Early literacyLiteracy, or, mor
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- Page 37 and 38: 4.3 Self-concept and esteemA number
- Page 39 and 40: to the boys, animal print designs a
- Page 41 and 42: parents and what they wanted. Overa
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- Page 45 and 46: School 1In the first school, non-de
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- Page 55 and 56: CHAPTER FIVE DISCUSSIONThe review o
- Page 57 and 58: Pupils were particularly aware of g
- Page 59 and 60: differences in the ways that boys a
- Page 61 and 62: Burn, E (2001) Do boys need male pr
- Page 63 and 64: Lloyd, G (ed.) (2005) Problem Girls
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APPENDIX 1 QUESTIONNAIRE FOR LOCAL
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6. Would you expect any written pol
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C. Strategies to address gender ine
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Local authority161718Strategy/Area
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Focus group schedule: pupilsThe the
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4. ImpactHas the project made any d
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Policy origin of the initiativeLoca
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Relationship with other strategiesE
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Section 4Focus Group - ParentsGener