Comunicar 39-ingles - Revista Comunicar

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186Comunicar, 39, XX, 20121. Introduction: study object and objectives«Operación Triunfo» debuted in Spain in 2001,setting a new trend in «reality game shows» 1 in thiscountry. This format combines the characteristics of«Pop Idol» (United Kingdom, ITV, 2001) and «BigBrother». Like «Pop Idol» it is a contest in which youngpeople who are unknown to the public and who cansing well compete with each other over several weeksfor a recording contract, and in which the audience(after a pre-selection process by a panel of judges)chooses which contestants continue through eachround until a winner is finally chosen. Like in «BigBrother», the contestants live together in a closed, isolated,purpose-built house full of cameras while theyreceive classes; the programme is organised into weeklyshows in which the contestants are nominated or evicted,with daily summaries of the «everyday life» of theparticipants in the academy; and the content expandsover different time slots and media following the logicof the «killer format» (Pérez Ornia, 2004: 81-84).In Spain the «Operación Triunfo» format wasemulated by other programmes following the innovation/repetition/saturationcycle characteristic of themedia: «Academia de actores» (Antena 3, 2002);«Pop stars» (Telecinco, 2002); «Supermodelo» (Cuat -ro, 2006-08); «Fama» ¡a bailar!» (Cuatro 2007-11);«Circus» (Cuatro, 2008) and «El aprendiz» (LaSexta,2010). Of these, only «Fama ¡a bailar!» gained a certaindegree of success and was broadcast for severalseasons. In this reality TV show, young amateur dancerscompete with each other for a study grant. Theprogramme is based on the «Operación Triunfo» formulabut includes some modifications: although it is anindividual contest, the contestants compete in pairs;new contestants enter the programme after the weeklyevictions; the teachers are also judges; the programmeis broadcast daily, including performances, nominationsand evictions; and the weekly shows only beginafter a few weeks.These programmes have had a strong impact onthe Spanish television panorama and the social imaginary,especially in relation to the redefinition of fameand the way of understanding work. The aim of thepresent article, therefore, is to analyse the values conveyedby «Operación Triunfo» (henceforth «OT»)and «Fama ¡a bailar!» (henceforth «Fama») in relationto these two areas.In Spain «OT» has been analysed from differentperspectives. Studies have been carried out on its inter -activity and the role the audience plays (Selva, 2003-04; Castañares, 2006; Fouce, 2008), its multimediaexpansion strategy (Cebrián, 2003) and the values itconveys (Cáceres, 2002; Sampedro, 2002, two analysesthat are similar to the one proposed here). Howe -ver, not very much theoretical attention has been paidto this programme’s discourse on fame (a perspectivethat can be revealing and productive, as shown byHolmes (2004a), Ouellette and Hay (2008) andRedden (2008), nor has the programme been relatedto other similar formats such as «Fama».In this article we bring together the main researchresults and conclusions of a doctoral thesis that waspresented at the Department of Communication of theUniversitat Pompeu Fabra in September 2010 (Oliva,2010), which analysed «Cambio Radical», «Desnu -das», «Esta casa era una ruina», «Supernanny», «Her -ma no Mayor», «Ajuste de Cuentas», «OperaciónTriun fo» and «Fama ¡a bailar!». This article summarisesthe main results and conclusions of the chaptersdevoted to the last two formats.2. Material and methodsTo answer the main analysis question (Whatvalues do «OT» and «Fama» convey in relation towork and fame?) we used textual analysis (Casetti &Di Chio, 1999: 249-292), that is, a detailed study ofthe elements that make up the audiovisual work inorder to understand its organisation and meaning. Thetext itself, regardless of the personal readings that canbe made of it, is the base of the viewer’s interpretation,it is what centres and guides their reading. Therefore,although the viewer’s capacity to decode the text free -ly is important, we cannot forget the responsibility thetext has in relation to the values conveyed and en -dorsed.To carry out this study we have developed ananalysis protocol 2 that combines two consolidatedperspectives of textual analysis that are not usuallyfound together in the same study: narrative semioticsand the study of the narrative form and audiovisualstyle.Narrative semiotics consists of analysing the storystructure. First, we analysed which narrative roles thecharacters (applicants, contestants, teachers, judgesand viewers) play in the story. The roles identified are:subject of doing (hero), subject of state (benefits fromthe actions of the subject of doing), object of value(that which is desired), sender and receiver of the contract(sets and receives a mission respectively), opponent(hinders the actions of the subject of doing), helper(helps the subject of doing), rival (wants the sameobject of value as the subject of doing), sender andreceiver of sanction (gives and receives recognition orpunishment respectively). Second, we analysed the© ISSN: 1134-3478 • e-ISSN: 1988-3293• Pages 185-192
187states of the actants (initial and final states, states ofconjunction or disjunction with respect to the object ofvalue or competence of doing), their actions and thetransformations of state as a consequence of theseactions.For the analysis we took into account the contributionsof Greimas (1971) and Courtés (1980), foundersof the discipline, as well as Ruiz Collantes (RuizCollantes, Ferrés & al., 2006; Ruiz Collantes, 2009),who adapted this methodology to the analysis ofaudiovisual texts. As Ruiz Collantes shows in his studies,systematically assigningcertain roles and states to certainsocial groups has consequencesin relation to howthese collectives are represented.To these more abstractelements we have added thestudy of the characters’ traits(gender, age, social class, habitat,physical appearance) andthe spaces the programmes areset in (structure and design ofthe environment in which theaction takes place (Cassetti &Di Chio, 1999: 274-279).We completed the semio-narrative analysis bystudying the narrative form and audiovisual style withthe aim of identifying the meaning that emerges from«how» the story is told, how the text guides the view -er’s interpretation and how it constructs a model view -er (Eco, 1981) 3 . The audiovisual language has beenanalysed in detail (types of shots, camera angles andmovements, sound and music, editing, computer gra -phics, lighting), as well as the narrative form: plot organisation(narrative acts, climaxes, turning points), time(order, duration and frequency), point of view (howthe information is distributed between the viewer andthe characters) and the presence of explicit narratorsand narratees (receivers of the narration present in thetext, for example, the on set audience). The analysis ofthe narrative form and audiovisual style was based onthe contributions made by Bordwell and Thompson(1995); Gaudreault and Jost (1995); Kozloff (1992);Casetti and Di Chio (1999: 249-292); and Aranda andDe Felipe (2006).In addition, given that «OT» and «Fama» are contests,we have added a third analysis methodology tothese first two that is less used for studying television:the analysis of the game rules. As Pérez Latorre (2010)shows, the rules of a game also convey meaning andvalues. The analysis protocol is based on the contributionsof the canonical authors and works of ludologyand game design theory (Egenfeldt-Nielsen, HeideSmith & Pajares Tosca, 2008; Juul, 2005; Salen &Zimmerman, 2003). We analysed the programmes’explicit rules that organise how the contest functions,guide the actions of the contestants, teachers, judgesand viewers (permitted actions, prohibited actions,compulsory actions), and determine the conditions ofwinning (how to win) and losing (how to lose) as wellas the design of the contest difficulty.Both «OT» and «Fama» are complex and contradictorytexts. On one hand, they convey and legitimise a naïvedefinition of fame: stars as unique individuals, chosen bythe public for their talent and effort. And on the other hand,they reveal the mechanisms involved in the manufactureof fame.This analysis protocol was applied to a corpusmade up of audition episodes, daily programmes andweekly shows of «OT 2008» and «OT 2009»(Telecinco) 4 and the first season of «Fama» (Cuatro) 5 .3. ResultsThis section summarises the main results of theanalysis of «OT» and «Fama» using the methodologyoutlined in the previous section. For reasons of clarity,the section has been arranged thematically, relating theresults of the semio-narrative, formal (narrative formand audiovisual style) and ludic analyses.3.1. Professional success as the object of valueIn «OT» and «Fama» professional success is theobject of value (main OV) pursued by the participantsand prescribed to the viewers. Significantly, these programmesequate professional success with fame, thatis, public recognition and renown. It is also representedas a form of personal fulfilment and as a way ofrising socially and economically.Therefore, the applicants/contestants are identifiedas incomplete characters because they have notyet achieved professional success (they cannot work asa professional singer/dancer and/or they are notComunicar, 39, XX, 2012© ISSN: 1134-3478 • e-ISSN: 1988-3293• Pages 185-192
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