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182 Prolo-Indo-European Morphology4. The AugmentF 213. The augment *(hl)" is common to Greek, Phrygian, Armenian,and Indo-Aryan as an indication of the past tense, e.g. PIE *(hl)" bherel =Gr. e-.pepe = Ved. a-bharal. The PIE augment *(hl)" was quite probablyan adverb with the meaning 'at that time' and could be employed facultativelywhere indicative fonus of present and aorist stems were combinedwith secondary endings to produce a clear past tense, cf. F 202 § 5. Theestablishment of the augment as a norm in the indicative aorist, indicativeimperfect, and indicative pluperfect took place in a post-Proto-Indo­European phase. Other IE languages such as Latin or Germanic developedtheir own suffixal means of indicating past tense fonus, e.g. Lat.pres. 3 sg. eS-1 'is,' but imperfect 3 sg. er-a-I « *es-ii-I) 'was': MeiserLaul- und Formenlehre 1998 p. 197.K. Brugmann gave the impulse to call the Vedic indicative fonus thatdo not feature an augment 'injunctive.' Vedic features the injunctive as amode of its own, with a 'memorative' semantic connotation.Suggestions for further reading: K. Strunk "Der Ursprung des verbalenAugmenles - Ein Problem Franz Bopps aus heuliger Sichf ' inBopp-Symposium 1992 [1994] p. 270-284. - Particularly concerningVedic and its memorative: Hoffinann lnjunktiv 1967. - ConcerningGreek, in which the augment was facultative in poetic language and Mycenaean,but in the Classical language was, as a rule, non-facultative: I.Hajnal in MSS 51 1990 p. 50-55; Meier-Briigger Gr. Sprachw. II 1992 p.50-52; E. J. Bakker "Pointing to the Past: Verbal Augment and TemporalDeixis in Homer" in Euphrosyne, FS Dimilris N Maronitis, Stuttgart1999, p. 50-65. On the New Greek situation see at the end of the paragraph.- In Armenian, the augment is only found as a functionless elementin single-syllable verb fonus that permits phonetic reinforcement, e.g.aor. ind. act. 1 sg. beri '1 carried,' but 3 sg. e-ber: J. Wackemagel inWackernagel Kleine Schriften I 1969 (in a contribution from 1906) p.148-155 (Wackemagel refers to the phenomenon of the Homeric eoxov'(they) had,' in which *oxov is missing). - Further, compare the characteristicsof New Greek verbs of the type of3 sg. Eoeo" 'he has bound' vs.1 pI. MOOIl£ 'we have bound,' in which the augment is preserved when itwas stressed.Verbs 1835. The Verbal AccentF 214. The finite verb of an PIE main clause was normally placed followingthe subject and the object, at the end of the sentence, where thesentence accent usually decreases. However, when the verb was stressedat the beginning of the sentence, or in a subordinate clause, it carried itsnormal accent.1) Researchers agree that Vedic generally reflects the fundamental characteristicsof Pro to-Indo-European, and thus, that the finite verb in a main clausewas unstressed: Wackemagell Debrunner Ai. Grammalik I 1957 p. 290;Klein Verbal A ccenluation 1992 p. 90; Hettrich Hypotaxe 1988 p. 779.2) It may also be sbown that this assertion about Proto-lndo-European alsoat one time held for Greek. The characteristics of Greek may best be understoodif we start from the premise of an unstressed finite verb as an establishednorm. Finite verbal forms also featured normal word accents that were used incase the word was in a position of emphasis. - The introduction of the typicallyGreek restriction of all accents to the last three syllables brought a significantchange, forcing all unstressed finite verb forms, which formed accentunity with the preceding word and had generally three or more syllables, to beaccented according to the schema ["- x u], and [x,,- -], cf L 420 § 2. The newaccent was often used as a word accent, and the old (which often differed),often dropped. This explains, among other things, why a verb form such asIlalvoll£v 'we go' carries its accent on the first syllable, although its origin ofPIE *gwTfI-j6-mes would suggest rather *llatvOIl£V. Only the two-syllableroot presents ellll and $rIlll escaped the effects of the radical new accentuation.Not least owing to their shortness, they remained enclitical. For furtherdetails: Meier-Briigger Gr. Sprachw. II 1992 p. 48-50.3) It remains disputed whether the second position of the finite verb, common to the modem Germanic languages such as German, originated from theinherited phenomenon of enclitics, or whether it appeared secondarily: J.Wackernagel in Wackernagel Kleine Schriflen 1 1969 (in an essay of 1892) p.427 ("the german rule of word order was already valid in the mother language");Th. Eyth6rsson "Zur HislOrisch-vergleichenden Synlax des Verbumsim Germanischen" in Fachlagung Innsbnlck 1996 [1998) p. 407 note 16:('The hypothesis [is] ... not supported by findings'').