A FUTURE FOR PUBLIC SERVICE TELEVISION CONTENT AND PLATFORMS IN A DIGITAL WORLD

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A FUTURE FOR PUBLIC SERVICE TELEVISION It is precisely because of this trend that the principle of universality should be so cherished and defended. It is only the BBC that can truly attempt it. Channel 4 lacks the necessary scale and its remit prioritises the serving of minorities and niches; ITV has the scale but its commercial focus can skew its agenda; pay television companies have an entirely different set of priorities. The BBC has to keep making programmes and delivering services that aspire in some way to be for everybody. This is not to say that everybody will watch or use them. But their existence should be of value to everybody even if not everybody chooses to take advantage of them. There are real threats to universality. Firstly, there is the trend towards media proliferation and atomisation that we have already identified. Secondly, the associated ‘siloisation’ of life, so ably served by social media, divides people into micro-communities based on interests and affinities. Thirdly, the BBC could be tempted to personalise its services in an on-demand world in such a way that it reflects only individual consumer preferences and thus splinters its audience yet further. And fourthly, the adoption of even a partial subscription model, as already floated in the government’s white paper, 130 would divide viewers by putting them on different sides of the paywall (see below). So our view is that a commitment to securing universal provision and access should be at the heart of all proposals that affect the future of the BBC. The scale and scope of the BBC The government’s consultation documents asked whether the BBC’s expansion could be justified and whether it could be fairly accused of crowding out competition. In reality, after a longish period of growth driven by increases in the licence fee and more households, the BBC has, in relative terms, contracted significantly. Enders Analysis estimates that while the BBC accounted for 22% of TV revenue in 2010, this was likely to fall to 17% in 2016 and to only 12% in 2026. 131 It has had to digest severe real-terms cuts as a result of recent settlements that have loaded it with new costs: a 16% cut following the deal in 2010 and a huge 23% reduction as a result of the 2015 settlement that forces the BBC to take on the cost of free licences for the over-75s, which will reach an estimated £745 million a year by 2020. 132 In response, it has had to take some radical steps to save money, for example the withdrawal of BBC Three as a broadcast service and the proposed merger of its news channels. 133 Yet the government has fashioned a debate on the size of the BBC not simply by overseeing a reduction in its revenue but also by requiring it to be ‘distinctive’ in everything it does. Indeed, there are more references (nearly 100) to ‘distinctive’ or ‘distinctiveness’ in the main body of the 2016 white paper than there are to ‘public service’. This is, of course, far from the first criticism of the BBC for relying on populist formats of which Strictly Come Dancing and The Great British Bake-Off seem to be the 130 Ibid., p. 103. 131 Enders Analysis, ‘The plight of the BBC post-intervention’, July 13, 2015. 132 Jane Martinson, ‘BBC Increases savings target to £800m a year to pay for drama and sport’, the Guardian, March 8, 2016. See also BBC white paper, p. 93. 133 While we recognise the difficult financial circumstances in which the BBC finds itself, we do not believe that combining two services – the BBC News Channel and its advertising-funded counterpart BBC World News – which have very different personalities and objectives makes strategic sense. We would worry that a merged operation would satisfy neither domestic viewers nor international audiences and we hope that the BBC executive can find alternative ways of reducing costs without closing more channels and cutting staff. 54
CONTENT AND PLATFORMS IN A DIGITAL WORLD BBC SHARE OF UK TV REVENUES Source: Enders 25% 20% 15% 10% 5% 0 2010 2016 2026 most visible recent examples. A whole host of broadcasters and public figures – including Jeremy Paxman, David Jason, Ann Widdecombe, Janet Street Porter and the former head of programmes at ITV David Liddiment – have all previously accused the BBC of having an unhealthy obsession with ratings. Indeed, the current chair of Ofcom, Patricia Hodgson, made a famous speech back in 2002 when she was the chief executive of the Independent Television Commission berating the BBC for its occasional lack of focus: “Beating ITV with [David Attenborough’s] Blue Planet is a triumph. Beating it with Celebrity Sleepover is a tragedy.” The difference between then and now, however, is that Hodgson also insisted that BBC programmes should aim to be popular: “where’s the public service in being anything else?” 134 The problem is that what ought to be a fairly innocuous term designating the obligation for the BBC to provide creative and original content has been turned into a veiled threat not to be too popular, thereby treading on the toes of its commercial competitors. As the media historian Peter Goddard explained in his submission to the Inquiry: These questions about distinctiveness are not being asked for their own sake, or merely with the aim of improving the quality of the BBC’s output. Instead, they seem to be motivated by government concerns firstly about the market impact of the BBC’s programmes and secondly about the fact that it competes with other broadcasters for audiences. 135 Goddard argues that distinctiveness is a highly subjective variable and “should not become a shorthand for moving the BBC’s output upmarket if that were to mean serving a popular audience less fully.” The BBC’s future would be severely undermined if it was required to function essentially as a ‘market failure broadcaster’ plugging the gaps where commercial broadcasters choose not to invest. Furthermore, we are concerned that the BBC’s regulator may be asked in the future to preside over potentially vexatious complaints from its commercial rivals that a programme or service is not sufficiently ‘distinctive’ simply because it is capturing too high a market share. 134 Quoted in Jason Deans, ‘ITC: “BBC must stick to quality programming”’, the Guardian, March 6, 2002. 135 Peter Goddard, submission to the Inquiry. 136 BBC white paper, 2016, p. 71 – our emphasis. 137 Broadcasting Research Unit, Public service idea in British broadcasting: main principles. BRU, 1986, p. 15. 55
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A FUTURE FOR PUBLIC SERVICE TELEVIS
Page 3 and 4: Contents Foreword by David Puttnam
Page 5 and 6: To instruct democracy, if possible
Page 7 and 8: Welcome Television is leading a cha
Page 9 and 10: CONTENT AND PLATFORMS IN A DIGITAL
Page 11 and 12: PSB channels 71.9% All other channe
Page 15 and 16: Why television matters Television i
Page 19 and 20: 1982 1990s 2012 The BBC-ITV duopoly
Page 23 and 24: Time for action Today’s policymak
Page 29 and 30: Basic principles At the core of pre
Page 39 and 40: The multichannel revolution Perhaps
Page 51 and 52: The BBC For most people, the BBC is
Page 53: CONTENT AND PLATFORMS IN A DIGITAL
Page 67 and 68: Channel 4 If the BBC is the most im
Page 71 and 72: Only 8% of Channel 4’s total spen
Page 79 and 80: ITV and Channel 5 The focus of atte
Page 85 and 86: The changing face of ITV 1993-2002
Page 91 and 92: New sources of public service conte
Page 103 and 104: Television and diversity We have ea
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CONTENT AND PLATFORMS IN A DIGITAL
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THE PEOPLE SHOULD BE TELEVISED If t
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Nations and Regions Public service
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Content diversity One of the key wa
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Sports content now accounts for som
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Talent development and training In
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Conclusion Television is changing.
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Recommendations General The UK’s
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Appointing the BBC board Sir David
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APPLICATION OF THE NOLAN PRINCIPLES
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BAFTA members’ survey delivered i
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Public service broadcasting, public
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Inquiry events Do we still need pub
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Acknowledgements Inquiry Report Con
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A FUTURE FOR PUBLIC SERVICE TELEVISION CONTENT AND PLATFORMS IN A DIGITAL WORLD

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