The Historiography of the Holocaust

528 Dan Stone
(Frankfurt am Main: Campus Verlag, 1996), pp. 13–29 discusses this attempt to
control powerful sites.
24 See, for example, N. Tumarkin, The Living and the Dead: The Rise and Fall of the Cult
of World War II in Russia (New York: Basic Books, 1994); S. Boym, Common Places:
Mythologies of Everyday Life in Russia (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1994);
I. Irwin-Zarecka, Frames of Remembrance: The Dynamics of Collective Memory (New
Brunswick: Transaction, 1994); A. Weiner, ‘Nature, Nurture, and Memory in a Socialist
Utopia: Delineating the Soviet Socio-Ethnic Body in the Age of Socialism’, American
Historical Review, 104 (1999), 1114–55; C. Merridale, ‘War, Death and Remembrance
in Soviet Russia’, in War and Remembrance in the Twentieth Century, eds. J. Winter and
E. Sivan (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), pp. 61–83; C. Merridale,
Night of Stone: Death and Memory in Russia (London: Verso, 2000); N. Schleifman,
‘Moscow’s Victory Park: A Monumental Change’, History & Memory, 13, 2 (2001), 5–34.
25 See the essays in I. Deák, J. T. Gross, and T. Judt, eds., The Politics of Retribution in
Europe: World War II and its Aftermath (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000).
26 For example, P. Reichel, Politik mit der Erinnerung: Gedächtnisorte im Streit um die
nationalsozialistische Vergangenheit (Munich: Carl Hanser Verlag, 1995); N. Wood,
Vectors of Memory: Legacies of Trauma in Postwar Europe (London: Berg, 1999); S. Farmer,
Martyred Village: Commemorating the 1944 Massacre at Oradour-sur-Glane (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1999); P. Lagrou, The Legacy of Nazi Occupation: Patriotic
Memory and National Recovery in Western Europe, 1945–1965 (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2000); R.G. Moeller, War Stories: The Search for a Usable Past
in the Federal Republic of Germany (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001);
B. Niven, Facing the Nazi Past: United Germany and the Legacy of the Third Reich (London:
Routledge, 2002); F. Virgili, Shorn Women: Gender and Punishment in Liberation France
(Oxford: Berg, 2003).
27 P. Lagrou, ‘Victims of Genocide and National Memory: Belgium, France and the
Netherlands 1945–1965’, Past and Present, 154 (1997), 181–222. Lagrou notes (189)
that returning ‘Jewish deportees were outnumbered twenty to one by the non-Jewish
deportees.’ See also T. Judt, ‘The Past is Another Country: Myth and Memory in Postwar
Europe’, in The Politics of Retribution, eds. Deák, Gross and Judt, pp. 293–323;
A. Wieviorka, ‘Deportation and Memory: Official History and the Rewriting of World
War II’, in Thinking about the Holocaust after Half a Century, ed. A.H. Rosenfeld
(Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1997), pp. 273–99; H. Yablonka, ‘The
Formation of Holocaust Consciousness in the State of Israel: The Early Days’, in
Breaking Crystal: Writing and Memory after Auschwitz, ed. E. Sicher (Urbana: University
of Illinois Press, 1998), pp. 119–36.
28 Compare the different explanations for this growth of memory in P. Novick, The
Holocaust and Collective Memory: The American Experience (London: Bloomsbury, 2000);
J.E. Young, ‘America’s Holocaust: Memory and the Politics of Identity’, in The Americanization
of the Holocaust, ed. H. Flanzbaum (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University
Press, 1999), pp. 69–82; A. Mintz, Popular Culture and the Shaping of Holocaust Memory
in America (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2001); J.C. Alexander, ‘On the
Social Construction of Moral Universals: The “Holocaust” from War Crime to
Trauma Drama’, European Journal of Social Theory, 5 (2002), 5–85. Cf. J.C. Olick and
D. Levy, ‘Collective Memory and Cultural Constraint: Holocaust Myth and Rationality
in German Politics’, American Sociological Review, 62 (1997), 921–36.
29 Young, The Texture of Memory, p. 289.
30 A. Shapira, ‘The Holocaust: Private Memories, Public Memory’, Jewish Social Studies,
n.s. 4, 2 (1998), 40–58; T. Segev, The Seventh Million: The Israelis and the Holocaust