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Institutional Racism

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John Lott and Kevin Hassett of the American Enterprise Institute study the coverage of<br />

economic news by looking at a panel of 389 U.S. newspapers from 1991 to 2004, and<br />

from 1985 to 2004 for a subsample comprising the top 10 newspapers and the<br />

Associated Press. For each release of official data about a set of economic indicators,<br />

the authors analyze how newspapers decide to report on them, as reflected by the tone<br />

of the related headlines. The idea is to check whether newspapers display some kind of<br />

partisan bias, by giving more positive or negative coverage to the same economic<br />

figure, as a function of the political affiliation of the incumbent president. Controlling for<br />

the economic data being released, the authors find that there are between 9.6 and 14.7<br />

percent fewer positive stories when the incumbent president is a Republican.<br />

Riccardo Puglisi of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology looks at the editorial<br />

choices of the New York Times from 1946 to 1997. He finds that the Times displays<br />

Democratic partisanship, with some watchdog aspects. This is the case, because during<br />

presidential campaigns the Times systematically gives more coverage to Democratic<br />

topics of civil rights, health care, labor and social welfare, but only when<br />

the incumbent president is a Republican. These topics are classified as Democratic<br />

ones, because Gallup polls show that on average U.S. citizens think that Democratic<br />

candidates would be better at handling problems related to them. According to Puglisi,<br />

in the post-1960 period the Times displays a more symmetric type of watchdog<br />

behaviour, just because during presidential campaigns it also gives more coverage to<br />

the typically Republican issue of Defense when the incumbent president is a Democrat,<br />

and less so when the incumbent is a Republican.<br />

Alan Gerber and Dean Karlan of Yale University use an experimental approach to<br />

examine not whether the media are biased, but whether the media influence political<br />

decisions and attitudes. They conduct a randomized control trial just prior to the<br />

November 2005 gubernatorial election in Virginia and randomly assign individuals in<br />

Northern Virginia to (a) a treatment group that receives a free subscription to<br />

the Washington Post, (b) a treatment group that receives a free subscription to<br />

the Washington Times, or (c) a control group. They find that those who are assigned to<br />

the Washington Post treatment group are eight percentage points more likely to vote for<br />

the Democrat in the elections. The report also found that "exposure to either newspaper<br />

was weakly linked to a movement away from the Bush administration and Republicans."<br />

Another unaffiliated group, Media Study Group, established seven categories of poor<br />

journalistic practice: for example, the journalist stating personal opinion in a report,<br />

asserting incorrect facts, applying unequal space or treatment to two sides of a<br />

controversial issue; then analyzed The Age Newspaper (Melbourne Australia) for the<br />

frequency of infraction of this code of practice. The resultant instances were then<br />

analyzed statistically with respect to the frequency they supported one or other side of<br />

the two-sided controversial issue under consideration. The goal of this group was to<br />

establish a quantitative methodology for the study of bias.<br />

A self-described "progressive" media watchdog group, Fairness and Accuracy in<br />

Reporting (FAIR), in consultation with the Survey and Evaluation Research Laboratory<br />

Page 203 of 250

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