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THE EGYPTIAN FOUNDATIONS OF GNOSTIC THOUGHT

THE EGYPTIAN FOUNDATIONS OF GNOSTIC THOUGHT

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Psenptaïs pointedly underlines the lengths the Greek kings went to involve themselves<br />

in Egyptian religious practice and, equally, the rapport that the high priests of<br />

Memphis had with the Greek king in Alexandria:<br />

I went to the residence of the Greek kings on the shore of the sea west of Aqa<br />

whose name is Rakotis [Alexandria]. The King of Upper and Lower Egypt,<br />

Lord of the Two Lands, the god Philopater Philadelphus Neos-Dionysus,<br />

coming forth from his palace alive and well, arrived at the temple of Isis,<br />

mistress of the Iat-Oudjat. He made many and great offerings to her. Leaving<br />

the temple of Isis upon his chariot, the king himself stopped his chariot. He put<br />

on my head a beautiful crown of gold with all sorts of genuine and precious<br />

stones with (?) a heart of the king in the midst of it. I was named his prophet. He<br />

issued a royal edict to the towns and nomes saying: “I have made the great<br />

Chief of workers Psenptaïs, true of voice, my prophet”(BM 886 [1026]). 41<br />

It is here that an important precondition for the rise of Gnostic thought was<br />

created, for the group in the vanguard of Petubastis was fluent in Greek, literally “the<br />

language of power” of the time, as well as Egyptian. The evolution of spoken Coptic,<br />

with its liberal use of Greek loan-words, is the natural result one would expect. The<br />

development of this verbal phenomenon into a written medium employing the Greek<br />

alphabet was a natural consequence, one that shall be examined more closely in<br />

Chapter 6. Complete bilingualism provided the basis for a subsequent fusion of Greek<br />

and Egyptian philosophical and religious thought among a group that was already<br />

predisposed to take up these matters. 42<br />

We know very little about Egyptian religious life in Alexandria in this<br />

period, 43<br />

but we may surmise that it was active as the Egyptians also had their own<br />

law courts. 44<br />

For the Greeks, apart from the above-mentioned cult of Sarapis, there<br />

was a dynastic cult centred upon the body of Alexander. 45<br />

A syncretism of Dionysus-<br />

Underworld-Osiris was made, and Bast was associated with Artemis by the Greeks.<br />

There is evidence that the Persian religion of Ahura-Mazda gained some footing in<br />

41<br />

Charles Maystre, Les grands prêtres de Ptah de Memphis, 412.<br />

42<br />

See François Dunand, “Les Syncrétismes dans la Religion de l’Égypte Romaine”, in Les<br />

syncrétismes dans les religions de l’antiquité, ed. François Dunand and P. Lévêque (Leiden:<br />

E.J. Brill, 1975), 152-85, where the earlier Ptolemaic dynamics are also discussed.<br />

43<br />

Fraser, predictably, concludes that there was therefore “a lack of religious activity,”<br />

(Ptolemaic Alexandria, 189), this because the site was not associated with a particular god.<br />

There is, however, some evidence that a fort was established on the site by Ramses III<br />

around 1500 B.C.E., and there may have been a shrine to Isis upon Rakotis hill before the<br />

arrival of Alexander; in any event, there is no evidence to suggest that the site was viewed<br />

by Egyptians as being on foreign soil, much as they detested Alexandria at times. Quite apart<br />

from this, it is unlikely in the extreme that with all the evidence we have of Egyptian cultural<br />

tenacity, that the Egyptian population existed in Alexandria as deculturalized drones as<br />

Fraser would suggest.<br />

44<br />

Ibid., 54.<br />

45<br />

The body of Alexander was “kidnapped” by Ptolemy on route from Babylonia to<br />

Macedonia, and brought to “his” city. This was a shrewd move intended to legitimate the<br />

city in Egyptian eyes as the pharaonic centre of power in Egypt. In the event, this was only<br />

minimally successful.

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