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The Splendors and Miseries of<br />
(POST)S O V I E T<br />
Kolkhoznitsa<br />
Vadzim Mažejka<br />
The current Belarusian<br />
government has<br />
grounds to be regarded<br />
as an anti-modern<br />
project. From the<br />
outset it has not aimed<br />
at reaching anything<br />
radically new, but to<br />
return to the good<br />
old Soviet and freeze<br />
there in stability. In this<br />
regard kolkhoznitsa<br />
becomes such a state’s<br />
target audience. But<br />
why did it happen and<br />
who is she?<br />
60<br />
Kolkhoznitsa<br />
and Kolkhozes<br />
Kolkhoznitsa is an anti-individualist (an anti-villager), she always<br />
represents a part of the collective identity. Kolkhoznitsa stands<br />
against property ownership (an anti-farmer), since she is guided by<br />
the principle «All around me belongs to the kolkhoz, thus — to me».<br />
At the same time she is a priori characterized by commitment to state<br />
paternalism. The kolkhoz is neither a self-sufficient farm nor an open<br />
business model of the farm-household. It exists in the framework of<br />
the State Planning Committee model (in one form or another) and is<br />
impossible without orders and subsidies from the top.<br />
Kolkhoznitsa grew up on the historical memory according to which<br />
powerful and successful people were kulaks, whose possessions<br />
had to be taken from them. It was much easier and more efficient<br />
to be poor for show, but actually seek to snatch one’s part first<br />
from kulak’s property and then from the kolkhoz’s goods (as the<br />
Belarusian proverb says, «When I was living alone, I was wearing<br />
rags, when I joined the kolkhoz – I found a coat there»). This is how<br />
state paternalism was becoming a single option, since with all the<br />
kulaks being dispossessed and impoverished households left to<br />
kolkhozniks, kolkhoz became the only potential source of local<br />
power and provision where people could earn money or just steal<br />
anything left lying loose. And since waiting for the benefits from the<br />
state had no sense, deception, foxery and the ability to adapt to the<br />
authorities and the general to the strong became the main tools in<br />
kolkhoznitsa’s life.<br />
All these did not absolutely contribute to the growth of self-esteem.<br />
It is also connected with kolkhoznitsa’s historical memory: starting<br />
from the fact of forced collectivization and throughout the whole<br />
XX century people with a strong sense of self-worth faced numerous<br />
risks to perish so that the kolkhoznitsa’s prototype could be formed<br />
without this quality. Its place was taken by the envy of more<br />
successful kolkhoznitsas, but particularly of citizens (both males and<br />
females). However, the relations between kolkhoznitsas and the city<br />
were much more complicated than just envy and in fact they hid one<br />
of their main dramas.<br />
1<br />
Translator’s note: Likbez is a Russian abbreviation for «likvidatsiya bezgramotnosti» meaning «elimination of<br />
illiteracy», a campaign or eradication of illiteracy in Soviet Russia and the Soviet Union in the 1920s-1930s.<br />
2<br />
Translator’s note: Prodrazvyorstka was a Bolshevik policy and campaign of confiscation of grain and other agricultural<br />
production from peasants for a nominal fixed price according to specified quotas.<br />
3<br />
See: http://www.etobelarusdetka.com/1041107710831072108810911089108210721103/14-dacha-and-banya<br />
4<br />
See: http://naviny.by/rubrics/society/2014/03/16/ic_articles_116_184903/<br />
5<br />
See: http://eurobelarus.info/news/society/2012/12/19/tat-yana-vodolazhskaya-dozhinki-kak-faktor-razvitiyabelarusskih-gorodov.html<br />
6<br />
See: https://people.onliner.by/opinions/2015/01/28/mnenie-142<br />
7<br />
See: http://journalby.com/news/bogatye-tozhe-pryachut-otkuda-vzyalsya-belarusskiy-agroglamur-336<br />
6<br />
See: http://journalby.com/news/dolzhno-byt-krasivo-belarusskaya-krasota-mezhdu-kitchem-i-glamurom-423