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40 years of DAI

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Photo by Expedito Belo, <strong>DAI</strong><br />

SWIFT Work in Timor-Leste<br />

Timor-Leste had long lived in disappointment. In 1974,<br />

Portugal gave it its independence, but within a short<br />

time Indonesia took it over. In the fall <strong>of</strong> 1999, through a<br />

UN-sponsored referendum, the people <strong>of</strong> Timor-Leste<br />

again voted for independence. Indonesian-backed militia<br />

responded by looting the cities and burning the countryside.<br />

Just a month after the violence ended, a SWIFT team<br />

moved in, making 30 grants in <strong>40</strong> days. The money helped<br />

purchase tools, pay villagers to clean up the countryside,<br />

and rebuild marketplaces and other basic infrastructure.<br />

For a year, the SWIFT team paid wages in Timor-Leste<br />

to build up a thriving cash economy. By mid-2002, <strong>DAI</strong><br />

had administered some 500 grants worth $15 million. By<br />

then, the transition initiatives had grown beyond the basic<br />

to encompass supporting local media, bolstering civil<br />

society, furthering the rule <strong>of</strong> law, and fostering local economic<br />

development. All along the way, it was the people <strong>of</strong><br />

Timor-Leste, working through <strong>DAI</strong>-run projects, who built<br />

their own nation back to stability.<br />

68<br />

Success in the Congo persuaded OTI to create a stronger<br />

contracting platform in the shape <strong>of</strong> an IQC called “Support<br />

Which Implements Fast Transitions,” or SWIFT. When the<br />

RFP for this new vehicle emerged in the summer <strong>of</strong> 1998,<br />

it included an “illustrative” task order calling for a technical<br />

approach, staffing plan, and budget for an urgent new activity<br />

in Indonesia. Once again, an uncertain political transition<br />

was occurring, in this case after the collapse <strong>of</strong> the Suharto<br />

regime, which had been far more competent than Mobutu’s<br />

but almost as corrupt. Appropriately enough, awards under<br />

SWIFT were made to the winning firms in record time, and the<br />

first task order was issued to <strong>DAI</strong>, which put its start-up team<br />

on a plane to Jakarta less than 72 hours later.<br />

Bruce Spake had returned from his tenure as a Chief <strong>of</strong> Party<br />

with the banking team in Bosnia to lead the SWIFT effort.<br />

Indonesia proved to be an ideal proving ground for OTI’s flexible<br />

approach, and USAID mission director Terry Myers (as it<br />

happened, another old friend <strong>of</strong> Barclay’s, and Boomgard’s<br />

client in Central Java 10 <strong>years</strong> earlier) decided to mainstream<br />

the contract, declaring it “the type <strong>of</strong> instrument every mission<br />

should have.” Having emerged from 30 <strong>years</strong> <strong>of</strong> oneparty<br />

rule and rigged elections, Indonesia was heading into a<br />

wide open, hotly contested presidential election. The stakes<br />

were high, as was the risk <strong>of</strong> communal violence that could<br />

undermine the new democracy. One <strong>of</strong> the biggest challenges<br />

was convincing Indonesians that they could actually participate<br />

in the process, and that their votes would be counted.<br />

Between October 1998 and June 1999, <strong>DAI</strong> made 116 grants<br />

worth $3.7 million in support <strong>of</strong> voter education, including<br />

televised public service announcements and funding <strong>of</strong> Indonesia’s<br />

first televised political debates. The peaceful outcome<br />

<strong>of</strong> the election and the stability that followed proved the<br />

wisdom <strong>of</strong> this investment.

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