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Photo by Expedito Belo, <strong>DAI</strong><br />
SWIFT Work in Timor-Leste<br />
Timor-Leste had long lived in disappointment. In 1974,<br />
Portugal gave it its independence, but within a short<br />
time Indonesia took it over. In the fall <strong>of</strong> 1999, through a<br />
UN-sponsored referendum, the people <strong>of</strong> Timor-Leste<br />
again voted for independence. Indonesian-backed militia<br />
responded by looting the cities and burning the countryside.<br />
Just a month after the violence ended, a SWIFT team<br />
moved in, making 30 grants in <strong>40</strong> days. The money helped<br />
purchase tools, pay villagers to clean up the countryside,<br />
and rebuild marketplaces and other basic infrastructure.<br />
For a year, the SWIFT team paid wages in Timor-Leste<br />
to build up a thriving cash economy. By mid-2002, <strong>DAI</strong><br />
had administered some 500 grants worth $15 million. By<br />
then, the transition initiatives had grown beyond the basic<br />
to encompass supporting local media, bolstering civil<br />
society, furthering the rule <strong>of</strong> law, and fostering local economic<br />
development. All along the way, it was the people <strong>of</strong><br />
Timor-Leste, working through <strong>DAI</strong>-run projects, who built<br />
their own nation back to stability.<br />
68<br />
Success in the Congo persuaded OTI to create a stronger<br />
contracting platform in the shape <strong>of</strong> an IQC called “Support<br />
Which Implements Fast Transitions,” or SWIFT. When the<br />
RFP for this new vehicle emerged in the summer <strong>of</strong> 1998,<br />
it included an “illustrative” task order calling for a technical<br />
approach, staffing plan, and budget for an urgent new activity<br />
in Indonesia. Once again, an uncertain political transition<br />
was occurring, in this case after the collapse <strong>of</strong> the Suharto<br />
regime, which had been far more competent than Mobutu’s<br />
but almost as corrupt. Appropriately enough, awards under<br />
SWIFT were made to the winning firms in record time, and the<br />
first task order was issued to <strong>DAI</strong>, which put its start-up team<br />
on a plane to Jakarta less than 72 hours later.<br />
Bruce Spake had returned from his tenure as a Chief <strong>of</strong> Party<br />
with the banking team in Bosnia to lead the SWIFT effort.<br />
Indonesia proved to be an ideal proving ground for OTI’s flexible<br />
approach, and USAID mission director Terry Myers (as it<br />
happened, another old friend <strong>of</strong> Barclay’s, and Boomgard’s<br />
client in Central Java 10 <strong>years</strong> earlier) decided to mainstream<br />
the contract, declaring it “the type <strong>of</strong> instrument every mission<br />
should have.” Having emerged from 30 <strong>years</strong> <strong>of</strong> oneparty<br />
rule and rigged elections, Indonesia was heading into a<br />
wide open, hotly contested presidential election. The stakes<br />
were high, as was the risk <strong>of</strong> communal violence that could<br />
undermine the new democracy. One <strong>of</strong> the biggest challenges<br />
was convincing Indonesians that they could actually participate<br />
in the process, and that their votes would be counted.<br />
Between October 1998 and June 1999, <strong>DAI</strong> made 116 grants<br />
worth $3.7 million in support <strong>of</strong> voter education, including<br />
televised public service announcements and funding <strong>of</strong> Indonesia’s<br />
first televised political debates. The peaceful outcome<br />
<strong>of</strong> the election and the stability that followed proved the<br />
wisdom <strong>of</strong> this investment.