PhD thesis - School of Informatics - University of Edinburgh

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Chapter 2. Background and Theory 29 an extent in Chinese that Bejing’s municipal government has decided to stamp them out in the run-up to the Olympics in 2008 (BBC News, 15th of October 2006) 10 . Japanese writing consists of a combination of three types of scripts: kanji (Chi- nese characters) as well as hiragana and katakana (two phonetic, syllabic scripts). Foreign words and proper names are generally transliterated using katakana characters which do not carry a meaning by themselves in the same way as kanji (or hanzi) do. Japanese words are generally written either in kanji or hiragana characters which makes words of foreign origin relatively straight-forward to distinguish (Breen, 2005). However, katakana are also used for certain technical and scientific expressions, for onomatopoeia (words imitating sounds) or for the purpose of emphasising words in text (similarly to the italic font used in Latin-based scripts). As in Chinese, the pro- nunciation of foreign words is adapted by Japanese speakers to their native tongue and therefore differs from that of English native speakers (e.g. see Shirai, 1999, on the ger- mination in loans from English to Japanese). The main reason is that some English characters and sounds do not exist in Japanese. Yoneoka (2005) found a large overlap of the English vocabulary used in Japanese and Korean. In fact, some English borrowings enter Korean via Japanese and therefore carry some Japanese phonological characteristics (Yoneoka, 2005). For example the English expression ok, okebari in Korean, is heavily influenced by the Japanese word okimari (to decide). English terms are used frequently in Korean, either in their original forms or in Hangul transliterations or translations (Bae and L’Homme, 2006). Hangul is the official Korean script which is a phonetic, syllabic alphabet whose individual characters do not convey meaning. The recent influx of anglicisms both into Korean and Japanese is largely attributed to globalisation and the growing spread of computer technology. Foreign names of new technologies are therefore often directly inserted without transliteration. This results in language mixing, also referred to as Janglish and Konglish (or wasei eigo), which can leave English native speakers bewildered. The Latin alphabet is also used for foreign abbreviations and acronyms or for English words in lyrics of Japanese popular music (Moody, 2006). The genre of popular culture across Asia is renowned for mixing native languages with English. However, motivations behind this language mixing can vary from country to country. Unlike in Chinese, Japanese and Korean where the use of English 10 Article published at: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/asia-pacific/6052800.stm
Chapter 2. Background and Theory 30 is seen as a sign of asserting one’s identity or showing resistance to traditions and customs, Kachru (2006) states that the use of English in Indian pop culture is more of a playful manner. Kachru examined Hinglish, a mix of English and Hindi, in popular songs from Bollywood movies. He concludes that English has been integrated to such an extent in Hindi that it is no longer perceived as an unfamiliar language. English words are either borrowed directly or invented. In advertisements, entire English slogans are used, like We need your heads to run our business on the front of a barber’s shop in Juhu, Mumbai (Kachru, 2006). The influx of English into Hindi TV commercials, news articles and film song lyrics has increased according to Kachru. Language mixing occurs on the sentence, word and sub-word level as exemplified in the song shown in Figure 2.5 where English words are marked in italic font. However, Hinglish was not always as popular as it currently is. For example, Sanjay Sipahimalani, Executive Creative Director of Publicis India, said that ten years ago Hinglish would have signalled a lack of education but today it is a huge asset for his agency (cited in Baldauf, 2004). This shows that the motivation behind using anglicisms can change over time. In Russian, most English words and expressions are embedded as transliterations in the Cyrillic alphabet, e.g. vauqer (voucher, specifically privatisation vouchers). Anglicisms can also end in Russian inflections like vauqerizacia (voucherisation), referring to the issuing of privatisation vouchers, an expression that is not commonly used in English (Dunn, 2007). Moreover, pseudo-anglicisms like inventor (inventor, referring to an events organiser in Russian) are very common in Russian. Ustinova (2006) speaks of an invasion of English words in Russian that raises significant concern to Russian legislative and executive authorities that want to take legislative measures against such language mixing. This increase in the use of English is supported by Usti- nova’s findings when examining the frequency of English in Russian advertisements. She found that 76% of Russian TV commercials contain English or a mixture of En- glish and Russian. The main function of English expressions in advertisements is to express novelty and prestige and signal high quality products. For this purpose, some English names are not always transliterated into the Cyrillic alphabet but advertised in their original Latin script. This is also the case for some English expressions like dress code or face control (also used in Cyrillic script: feis-kontrolь) referring to the job
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Bibliography 198 Andersen, G. (2005
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Bibliography 200 Bresnan, J. (2001)
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Bibliography 202 Damashek, M. (1995
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Bibliography 204 Finkel, J., Dingar
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Bibliography 206 Hachey, B., Alex,
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Bibliography 208 Kirkness, A. (1984
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Bibliography 212 Poplack, S. (1988)
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Bibliography 214 Sokol, D. K. (2000
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Bibliography 216 Yang, W. (1990). A
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PhD thesis - School of Informatics - University of Edinburgh

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