A CRITICAL BIOGRAPHY OF EDWIN JAMES BRADY - Mallacoota ...
A CRITICAL BIOGRAPHY OF EDWIN JAMES BRADY - Mallacoota ...
A CRITICAL BIOGRAPHY OF EDWIN JAMES BRADY - Mallacoota ...
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52<br />
Of course it is possible to make and justify such criticisms, but instead of giving<br />
capitalism real credit for its achievements, or instead of looking for ways to overcome<br />
its weaknesses while still maintaining its productive efficiency, Brady wants to see it<br />
thrown out in toto. He is in grave danger of throwing out the baby with the bathwater,<br />
as the old saying goes.<br />
Further, Brady sees capitalism (“individual ownership and competitive production for<br />
profits”) unemployment, waste, financial panics, human misery, immorality, crime<br />
and evils untold” whereas collective ownership would abolish most of these<br />
unnecessary wrongs, minimise others, and “advance the material, intellectual and<br />
spiritual standards of the human race”. He also denigrates capitalism for its<br />
involvements in the brutalities of way and blames it for the inequalities which lead the<br />
children of the rich to gain a more advantageous education than the children of the<br />
poor. One cannot help being reminded of Roosevelt’s definition of a radical as a man<br />
with both feet planted firmly in the air. No good purpose is served by a wholesale<br />
condemnation of a system because of some weaknesses. It is difficult to substantiate<br />
the view (indeed Brady does not really try) that a socialistic society, had Australia<br />
been one, would not have had similar weaknesses, would not have been involved in<br />
way, and would have had any more equality of education than already provided under<br />
the Education Act of 1880 which made education, in New South Wales at least, free,<br />
secular and compulsory.<br />
It is evident that when Brady thus attempts to explain his political credo he displays a<br />
large degree of ingenuousness and political naivety, superficiality in his criticisms and<br />
vague hypothesising about possible achievements of an idealistic, largely untried<br />
social alternative. But theoretically at least he is on sounder ground when he supports<br />
the economic aspects of the socialist or communist doctrine “As I see it, the economic<br />
difference between Socialism and Communism is the difference between one side of<br />
the blade of a table knife and the other” 1 ), because it seems to him to have a greater<br />
affinity with the basic philosophy of Christian ethics which is the ultimate yardstick<br />
of his social criticism. While this yardstick may be a fine measure on the general<br />
level one can run into difficulties when applying it to specific aspects of society. He<br />
calls Lady Astor as Witness to his view that socialism is really a religion:<br />
Is it any wonder that Lady Astor, after seeing Collectivism in being, and<br />
hearing the firm convictions of the workers and peasants, could only keep<br />
repeating – ‘It is a religion!’ Yes, socialism is a religion……You cannot make<br />
men honest by an Act of Parliament, but by an economic act, which removes<br />
the cause of dishonesty, you can. You cannot make men and women good by a<br />
political code, but by a social code, which holds the causes of evil in check,<br />
you can, at least, make them infinitely better. Long before I became<br />
associated with the propaganda, I perceived in socialism a living plant, beside<br />
which the lip religions of my youth appeared as withered leaves. 2<br />
1 “Scrutator Explains”, The Labor Call, 23.7.1931<br />
2 “Psychology of Socialism”, The Red Objective. Brady uses the terms “Socialism”, “Communism”<br />
and “Collectivism” interchangeably, and equates these with the Labor doctrine in its pure form, when<br />
speaking or writing of its early socialistic aims and ideals.