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Queen Mary and Westfield College London University PhD Thesis ...

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Lockean psychology <strong>and</strong> enlightened utilitarianism:<br />

'I was resolved to guard myself against a Passion which makes such Havock in the Brain,<br />

<strong>and</strong> produces so much Disorder in the Imagination. For this Reason, I have endeavoured<br />

to keep down the secret Swellings of Resentment, <strong>and</strong> stifle the very first suggestions of self-<br />

esteem; to establish my Mind in Tranquility, <strong>and</strong> over-value nothing in my own, or in another's<br />

Possession'93.<br />

Passion conceived as a cause of madness, <strong>and</strong> madness deployed as a warning against<br />

the consequences of passion, belonged, of course, to a tradition much older than the classical<br />

period. Here, Foucault's analysis of what was distinctive about the classical relation of passion<br />

to madness is of particular value. Foucault astutely observed how passion was not just a cause<br />

of madness, in the Age of Reason, but was a potentiality which exposed the fragility of the<br />

entire natural <strong>and</strong> rational order 94 . By becoming delirium (via Lockean psychology), passion<br />

converted madness into chaos. Defining man's place within the natural order, <strong>and</strong> the mental<br />

faculties which distinguished him from brute creation, natural philosophy cilarified the lesson of<br />

the madman for rational society, as the inversion of its equation, as human nature debased95.<br />

Yet, while there is little disputing the importance of Foucault's thesis, that, in the classical age,<br />

madness was 'shown' only 'on the other side of bars' <strong>and</strong> 'under the eyes of a reason that no<br />

longer felt any relation to it <strong>and</strong> that would not compromise itself by too close a resemblance'96,<br />

he overestimated the aloofness of the classical response to madness <strong>and</strong> denied the scope of<br />

the experiential didactic of visiting the insane. In many respects, in point of fact, Augustans<br />

experienced madness more often <strong>and</strong> at much closer proximity than had the r forbears. Prior to<br />

the seventeenth century, madness was more frequently neglected, than experienced or empathised<br />

with, in the parishes <strong>and</strong> by the governing elites of Engl<strong>and</strong>. As Porter has recently argued,<br />

Foucault exaggerated the proportion of the mental y ill in early modern Engl<strong>and</strong> who were<br />

incarcerated <strong>and</strong> exhibited 97. He 'barely mentions Locke, <strong>and</strong> underplays the influence of<br />

Ibtd, 223-5.<br />

Madneu, 88.<br />

On the other h<strong>and</strong>, one must bear in mind, here, Mullan's argument concerning the smbiguity of passion',<br />

<strong>and</strong> the heightening of this ambiguity, during the period, with 'the elevation of sensibility'. As Mullan maintains,<br />

passion dem<strong>and</strong>ed vigilance' rather than 'suppression'. I-li. contention that injunctions 'Ibsolutely to suppress<br />

passion' were 'rare in the medical texts of the eighteeth century', is, however, more accurMe for the latter, than<br />

the earlier, part of the century. See John Mullan, SenE,meni <strong>and</strong> Sociab,lii. The LangiLage of Feehng in the<br />

Etghteenth Ccntry (Oxford, Clarendon, 1988), 232-5.<br />

96 Madness, 70<br />

Porter, 'Foucault'. great confinement', in IJi.lorg of the Human Sciences, vol. 3, No 1, 47-54.<br />

30

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