Queen Mary and Westfield College London University PhD Thesis ...

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It was here, too, that hierarchy was arrayed at its ultimate pitch, and here that hierarchy was most vigilant of any affront and most fearful of disaffection and threats, whether real or potential. Table 6q details the reasons for the committal of 41 patients supported by the Board of Greencloth in Bethiem during 167O175 1235. Nearly half of those committed to Bethlem by the Board had been guilty of intrusion and unspecified 'disorderly', 'troublesome' and 'offensive' behaviour, at the royal palaces, or towards the royal court. Only three of those committed had been guilty of actual physical assault upon members of the royal hou,ehold; two of whom had wounded guards at the royal palaces, the other having thrown an orange at the King in St. James's Park 236 . It was the station of the individuals assaulted that made such acts particularly threatening and likely to result in the incarceration of the offender, but it was the fact that they were deemed to be committed 'without any Provocation' that suggested their issue from a 'discomposed & disordered...Braine'237. Most patients sent from the Board, however, were committed for merely threatening violent acts against royalty, or members of the royal household, or because considered 'in a distracted condition api [my italics] to do misehiefe', with a mind to 'ye prevention of any danger or mischeife that may ensue' 238. While Matthew Pugh/Pew was committed to Bethlem, in 1754, having drawn his sword in St. James's Chapel, Alexander llatton was apprehended and sent to Bethlem, in 1762, having been caught 'behaving in such manner as to give Suspicion [of]...some ill Design'239 . It was language, as much as behaviour, which identified individuals as insane and a danger in this period. Words whether uttered or written, were particularly threatening when hostile to royalty or the ruling elite, even more so if uttered or published within close proximity of the royal household; sufficient, if discovered or overheard, to issue in charges of treason and to result in confinement and severe, if not capital, punishment. The treasonable intent of the mad was doubly dangerous because it was unpredictable. While only three individuals were committed to Betlilem by the Board during 235 For (hi, discussion, see esp. BAR.; PRO LS.13/86.8, 13/104 . 6, 13/114 . 5, 13/171-9. 236 BAR, warrant dated 18 Aug. 1684; PRO LS.13/104, to1. 94, 12 Jan. 1678; 13/176, fol. 27, 18 April 1715; cases of Captain White, Richard Harris & Edward Price. 237 BAR, as sapra, case of Captn White. 238 E.g. PRO LS.13/104, fol. 90, 4 Dec. 1677; 13/105, fols 53-4, 11 June 1688, 7 Jan. 1689, cases of Nicholas Valiant, William Norris, John [Jean] Stafford. 239 Pugh died in Bethlem 3 years later, while Hatton was transferred to the incurabks wards in 1764 where he perished the following year. See flu, 15/179, fol. 17, 2 Aug 1762; LEP, No. 2804-5, 23-29 Oct. 1745; BAR., fols 255, 223, 17 & 193. 472
1670-1762 after delivering letters, petitions or pamphlets, displaying enmity towards the King or the ruling lords, a good many more were confined at the hospital under orders from the Privy Council and other government bodies and ministers for their mad and treasonable words 240 . It is in such cases that committal appears most emphatically politicised and designed to nullify not just the threat, but the very dissidence, of the insane, rather than to cure the insane; and that cure itself becomes a matter of abandoning opinions hostile to hierarchy. Bethiem was clearly not used by the government, however, as a mixed institution, in the same way as were mental institutions like the Bic1re and Salpetrire in France, although parallels may certainly be drawn, and the hospital had little choice but to receive government cases for as long as the government deemed necessary 241 . Whereas, as Ackerknecht found with respect to most of the political prisoners in French hospitals, many of those patients in Bethlem 'were unknown individuals' who had directed inimical remarks at the ruling regime, few (if any) 'owed their captivity' to this eventuality alone; while, unlike the mixed institutions of early modern France, internment in Bethiem did 'imply insanity'242. As outlined in chapter 2, nevertheless, the Privy Council and the Board of Greencloth often attached special instructions to their warrants for the committal of individuals to Bethlem and Bridewell which made explicit the intention of silencing their dissent, whether deemed vicious or mad. The Bethlem Governors and keepers were commonly instructed to 'secure' a patient; 'not [to] permitt' a patient 'to goe abroad without Order from the Board', or to forbid 'any' visitors 'to have Access unto [a patient] or [to] speake with him' 243. Egbert Lamborn was committed to Bethlem by the Board of Greencloth in 1761 under orders to be kept in 'close Confinement he appearing to us a Desperate Lunatick', 'for having delivered within the Verge of the Court Letters of a most heinous Nature acknowledged to have been written by himself', and Lamborn was to spend the remaining 35 years of his life in confinement as a result (over 32 of which 240 See e.g. case of Edward Harris, initially sent to Newgate 'for Treasonable Expressions', but subsequently found 'disorder'd in his Senses and transferred to Bethiern by command of the Secretary of State; BSCM, 22 Jan. 1732, fol. 187. He was discharged 17 months later. 241 Warrants from government bodies committing patient's to Bethkm were atandardly framed in terms which powerfully expressed this compunction; e.g. 'not doubting of your Complyance'. 242 Sec Erwin II. Ackerknedit, Political pr,soners in French mental institutions before 1789, during the Revolution, and under Napoleon I', in Med. Jh.L (1975), vol. 19, 250-55; also, Jan Goldstein, Console & Classify. The Frenda Psyckiafric Profession in the Nineteenth CenSsry (Cambridge, CUP, 1987), eap. 281, 351-4; Foucault, Madness & Civ,lisaion. 243 See cases of Thomas Dunn, Richard Day, Richard Stafford, PRO PC 2/50, fols 549 & 594; 28 July & 13 Aug. 1639; 2/58, fol. 36, 8 Feb. 1665; 2/59, fol. 271, 16 Jan. 1666. For Stafford, see in/re & chapter 2. 473
Page 1 and 2:
Queen Mary and Westfield College Lo
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Abbreviations Contents Chapter 1 In
Page 5 and 6:
Acknowledgments The list of those I
Page 7 and 8:
Chapter 1 Introduction: The Histori
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to 'be interesting' rather than ana
Page 11 and 12:
paradigm of insanity' 9, and in ord
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that the development and practice o
Page 15 and 16:
cure remained a vital object of the
Page 17 and 18:
Introduction Chapter 2 Visiting In
Page 19 and 20:
accessibility' ?12 It is not enough
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would tend to verify the statements
Page 23 and 24:
ernors concerning the conduct of st
Page 25 and 26:
The Exhortatory Show And The Visito
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een worn by the apprentices of Brid
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more likely a patient was to receiv
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e compared to Isabella's role in Th
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egard the patients of Bethiem as th
Page 35 and 36:
theorists and moralists were accord
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Lockean psychology on the Age of Re
Page 39 and 40:
of madness onto society more often
Page 41 and 42:
applied to visiting Bethiem. Thus,
Page 43 and 44:
always mischievous; and that 'if ev
Page 45 and 46:
a similar fashion, in The Changelin
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Although the 8taff knew 'nothing ab
Page 49 and 50:
and the corners of her mouth raised
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and to obtain most 'cause for laugh
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periods, the 'Sport' often became r
Page 55 and 56:
For Anne Digby, too, public visitin
Page 57 and 58:
England and France went to consider
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alias Joseph Warton, in The Adventu
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a year of its opening, he 'was so c
Page 63 and 64:
so contrary an effect' on him that
Page 65 and 66:
sympathy for 'those under such Dism
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or woman 'of feeling'. From searchi
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It was no mere coincidence that Tho
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themselves', three years before thi
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without the Direction of Reason and
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expostutated, after outlining the s
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e sad', indicates how little had ch
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may well have been confined by in l
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Tryon that visitors were allowed an
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Tryon had alleged that I3ethlern wa
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cells, and only 'afforded' the usua
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Moorfields can have done little to
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to the amelioration of such conditi
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Sundays when visitors were barred 3
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acco began to come into better favo
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crusading endeavours to tighten lic
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to have secreted nearly £12 in her
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in four public newspapers and poste
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adjustments had to be made to the b
Page 103 and 104:
carceral institutions447. If such d
Page 105 and 106:
Like Swift, Mackenzie, in his The M
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Governors what a provocation naked
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observed a male patient leap on the
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to mental and physical health, and
Page 113 and 114:
infirmaries, unless friends or rela
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The only question Carkesse records
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pots 'in the Spectators' Faces'522.
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y visiting 'the hospitals about thi
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Court dealt with both complaints in
Page 123 and 124:
in excess of expenditure. By 1770,
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Hyde in 1781, and Jane Gibbs in 180
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whose immediate care they were573 D
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N N Uj I- LA 0 0 (n . 0 I U C CL I
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Fig. 2d Stone rigur.s o? '1s1ancho1
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Fig. 2g New Beth1en in Moorfields c
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- -,.----1 T 1fi' a - -4Ti L- I F1
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Pig. 2k View of Betbiern at Moorfie
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The fact of the matter is that hist
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emoved the artificial obstacles sta
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edding permitted' at I3ethlem is il
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semi-naked state. James Carkesse co
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when provided with them36. Benefact
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charged if their securities failed
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essaries were still 'wanting for th
Page 155 and 156:
equired 'Sheeted Beds'. While 22% i
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deemed capable of looking after the
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subject of considerable censure in
Page 161 and 162:
Indeed, there is very little direct
Page 163 and 164:
vaults at most 100 . Generally in t
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or lousy 'Kennels' was viewed by ma
Page 167 and 168:
concern for matters of hygiene and
Page 169 and 170:
hospitals and prisons'. Moreover, t
Page 171 and 172:
one means of subjugating the signs
Page 173 and 174:
have supposed. Awareness of the nee
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and that the Committee regularly we
Page 177 and 178:
lunacy, as a means of enclosing the
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of the darkness of Bethiem had as m
Page 181 and 182:
the sober splendour of the hospital
Page 183 and 184:
It would be erroneous to suggest, h
Page 185 and 186:
the weather in contemporary medical
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Diet: feeding and starving the poor
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to Bethiem until 1708, by which tim
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to mechanistic theories of diseased
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in, the eighteenth century hospital
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D inner: Supper: Dinner: Supper: DI
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which was an intermittent source of
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What was missing from the Governors
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aged the Matron and Cook to 'scum y
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'every indulgence, which oeconomy p
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Bethlem, in 1692, that the care of
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seems at least to have acted as a s
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occupying patients after mid-centur
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of which Bethiem has been the great
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most other witnesses at the 1815/16
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Bethlem338 In the period before the
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number of Lunatikes' and of 'their
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with appropriate medicaments, and d
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Chains were imposed as a matter of
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against his physical or moral emanc
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a patient was restrained and of the
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ential, when viewed in the context
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unhealthy obstructions, and even at
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p[re]dudiciall to the said hospital
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cells throughout the period, and th
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apeutic/classificatory division of
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the Governors claimed (with an iron
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(agreeing to abate the entire sum o
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access (with the complicity of staf
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of Bridewell and Bethlem 'proposed'
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Fig. 3a City Surveyor, George Dance
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Pig. 3c g160 I, G -t ? Detail from
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Robinson and Robert Whytt, amongst
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Appointments, patronage, sa1arie an
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and accounting of patients' fees an
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independent right to govern the hos
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At the beginning of the eighteenth
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London for seven years when appoint
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sity, and had accompanied his fathe
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een well groomed for the Bethlem po
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despite his preparedness to serve w
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not succeed his master directly to
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attendance from that of other physi
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the hospitals by checking the Apoth
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medical attention might occasionall
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predecessors to absenteeism. With t
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however, and the assessment of The
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with the Apothecary, the size of hi
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apprentices and staff of Bridewell,
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Nurse had a 'great practice in the
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Bride, where he was resident, in su
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estates to comfortably bring in an
Page 289 and 290:
his appointment'63. Therapy or negl
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those admitted to the hospital, was
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idiculed and censured by his enemie
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give presentations upon numerous po
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the conduct of numerous demonstrati
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can hardly have been expected to ab
Page 301 and 302:
Indeed, hunter and Macalpine did so
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(including the hire of 'a Midwife'
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Lunacy', but also for her 'sore leg
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he had performed, his quantifying o
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physical injury to patients. One mu
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sertion of Teresia Constantia Phill
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part of the century, the Board cons
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a great deal of cause for practitio
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the patient', and claimed that, not
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assessment that 'very little of rea
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negative in the extreme. Rather tha
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The revolution represented by St. L
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introduction of the therapy of cold
Page 327 and 328:
LO N- F—I _C)
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Table 4c: BETIILEM & BRIDEWELL APOT
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Introduction Chapter 5 The Rule of
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and most reviled of all, while 'Bed
Page 335 and 336:
however, this ruling was to be inst
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of the office, than with the profli
Page 339 and 340:
father's social standing; 'a grave
Page 341 and 342:
Nicholson, Jewson and others, have
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and servants. During the seventeent
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Nixon had formerly been basketmen,
Page 347 and 348:
mittee of governors, prompted by a
Page 349 and 350:
than the rule at Bethlem. At St. Ba
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Male and female servants alike were
Page 353 and 354:
active governor, while Joseph Arnol
Page 355 and 356:
of interest on the Governors' part,
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discharge, without any sign of disa
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Bridewell'31. Inferior officers far
Page 361 and 362:
instead of increasing staff salarie
Page 363 and 364:
While Bethlem servants' wages remai
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almost expected that Stewards would
Page 367 and 368:
With Bethlem's resiting and expansi
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servants to care for them; at 1:17.
Page 371 and 372:
side the Porter, he was also suppos
Page 373 and 374:
were paramount as never before. She
Page 375 and 376:
Matron, three basketmen and a singl
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personall Attendance is required bo
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a result220. Indeed, there are indi
Page 381 and 382:
Naturally, attendance was healthier
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careers. Basketmen were found guilt
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is unknown2as. Between 1700 and 177
Page 387 and 388:
Thomas Willis, writing in 1672, cur
Page 389 and 390:
punishment as counter-productive, b
Page 391 and 392:
Katherine Goodfellow of 'abuses...d
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eminence as a place of cruelty towa
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abuse of patients by Bethlem staff
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instructed to 'locke her upp in one
Page 399 and 400:
The period of Langley's Stewardship
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of supplementing staff's meagre wag
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forbidden repeatedly not 'upon any
Page 405 and 406:
0Ø 0) WI;:!, w CO 0' 1 IC) EC1)
Page 407 and 408:
- cr I- Cl) LO+ C,) 0 N- 0000000 (0
Page 409 and 410:
0 co C C') 0 (0 (0 C C C (0 10 .o -
Page 411 and 412:
Humphrey Withers Isaac Mount John H
Page 413 and 414:
Table 5e: Bethlem Matrons (& Nurses
Page 415 and 416:
Chapter 6 Patients, Obligors, and t
Page 417 and 418:
als. The final section, on the subj
Page 419 and 420:
weekly charge for patients, and the
Page 421 and 422:
from 5/to 2/6 per week, a ceiling a
Page 423 and 424:
insane, transferring or diverting m
Page 425 and 426:
at the direction of Mr. Arnold, a g
Page 427 and 428: to Bethiem in 1654 at a weekly char
Page 429 and 430: compassion being eroded at the eigh
Page 431 and 432: Many obligors had, in fact, been mo
Page 433 and 434: (a friend of Tyson's and a writer o
Page 435 and 436: howse.. .[he] should have bene take
Page 437 and 438: in Figs 6d & 6e, which graph the se
Page 439 and 440: Prior to 1662, a year's residence h
Page 441 and 442: insane could be. The Bethlem Board
Page 443 and 444: acting on reports from persons unna
Page 445 and 446: abandonment of children described a
Page 447 and 448: handicapped105. It was the continue
Page 449 and 450: greater control over admissions aft
Page 451 and 452: ack home. When, for example, in 167
Page 453 and 454: Indeed, both Newell and Toote had b
Page 455 and 456: madhouses who complained bitterly o
Page 457 and 458: the appropriate action to be taken;
Page 459 and 460: other patients under severe threat
Page 461 and 462: to keep them at home or elsewhere w
Page 463 and 464: 22 (or 22%) record that patients we
Page 465 and 466: desire for the cure of the afflicte
Page 467 and 468: the patient was provided for and 'r
Page 469 and 470: examine in any depth what the threa
Page 471 and 472: children & them Mischief'208. With
Page 473 and 474: numerous accusations of this nature
Page 475 and 476: one's own property was even less co
Page 477: ill of today attempt (or gain) acce
Page 481 and 482: the scales of justice in the prison
Page 483 and 484: mirror on his accusers2 On the othe
Page 485 and 486: fined at Bethlem or elsewhere witho
Page 487 and 488: tunes earlier, such behaviour was l
Page 489 and 490: to look after them, but, if orphane
Page 491 and 492: members of the new Bethiem Committe
Page 493 and 494: and Bridewell. From the notorious b
Page 495 and 496: earthly, medical means. Moreover, w
Page 497 and 498: ate of female patients over male, f
Page 499 and 500: a similarly grim, if rather incompl
Page 501 and 502: months before her admission to Beth
Page 503 and 504: a temporary or exigency measure, un
Page 505 and 506: at Bethnal Green madhouse, and one
Page 507 and 508: hospital, over 22% of male admissio
Page 509 and 510: insensibility, to a prolonged, vege
Page 511 and 512: considered somewhat tautological. T
Page 513 and 514: did more for its public and paying
Page 515 and 516: 0 '4— CI, C a) E I. a) (I) CI, C
Page 517 and 518: N.. 1 m '0 a' In (U U- U IA 0 U. Ii
Page 519 and 520: a' '0 (1) k4 '1 P'II 0 p 3' C X X C
Page 521 and 522: 'ic) so 40 34 1' (0 icg 6g (,motIr)
Page 523 and 524: cc) 7ci 60 (0 - —2. Z-3 S-5 5-Jo
Page 525 and 526: w (0 E a) -D CC m 0 4-. '4- 0 C 0 -
Page 527 and 528: Table 6b: Occupations Iwhere record
Page 529 and 530:
Table 6c: Patients' Occupations (wh
Page 531 and 532:
Table 6d: Occupations (where record
Page 533 and 534:
0 Q) Oi co ' ,- . I -- aci) (0 0, 0
Page 535 and 536:
TABLE PE T ITI rs FOR A MISSION TO
Page 537 and 538:
TOTALS 345 101-150km Place km Numbe
Page 539 and 540:
ci) cci E ci) ccO ,T .r 'a) Ea Co 0
Page 541 and 542:
C 0 Co Co E 0 CO CO cO -a-Cf) 1 0 C
Page 543 and 544:
TABLEi(cQnt.l - DataOf Died' ______
Page 545 and 546:
7b1e O csrRc FO& '!NCUMPLE' PATIENT
Page 547 and 548:
TABLE PATIENTS' TOTAL JURATION OF S
Page 549 and 550:
0 C,) 0 aa- 'I- 0 Cl) C) SI 0 F- 0
Page 551 and 552:
4., '-4 El z 0p-I U) U) I-i ON
Page 553 and 554:
\0 0 U) z 0 HU) U) H rL4r-4 0 U) U)
Page 555 and 556:
ality of Bethlem's ancillary staff,
Page 557 and 558:
function of extirpation, or was the
Page 559 and 560:
• AppendiX 2a(ii) Grand Committee
Page 561 and 562:
Appendix 2a(ii) continued t1 é i12
Page 563 and 564:
H11RLRUIK METHODIST. To the Tune of
Page 565 and 566:
:.L Appendix 3a(i) George Dance 'B
Page 567 and 568:
Appendix 3b Prices & Composition of
Page 569 and 570:
, Ii_ 6?Jd'4 L nLJ;:. — i %, t 3f
Page 571 and 572:
KNOW all Men by ihefe Prefents, Tha
Page 573 and 574:
It is necefarj the following Partic
Page 575 and 576:
.!$ • 4,tJOy C4a14 — -- - T II
Page 577 and 578:
7 Appendix 61 Certificate of settle
Page 579 and 580:
Appendix 61(11 Letter from Sir Char
Page 581 and 582:
ppendix 6m Petition for the admissi
Page 583 and 584:
To the Right Worj7ipful the PR E S
Page 585 and 586:
Appendix 6p Petition for the admiss
Page 587 and 588:
6) Public Records Office:- PRO Kew
Page 589 and 590:
John Gilbert, A Sermon Preached bef
Page 591 and 592:
Thomas Arnold, Observations on the
Page 593 and 594:
Thomas Dekker and John Webster, Wes
Page 595 and 596:
the Real Art of Physick it self: an
Page 597 and 598:
______ Things Plain and Weighty, Re
Page 599 and 600:
James Yonge, The Journal of James Y
Page 601 and 602:
Michael V. Deporte, Nightmares and
Page 603 and 604:
W. L. Jones, Ministering to Minds D
Page 605 and 606:
______ Was there a moral therapy in
Page 607 and 608:
E. G. Thomas, 'The old poor law and
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