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Dividing Ireland: World War I and Partition

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88 THE GREAT WAR AND NATIONAL IDENTITY<br />

tending to bring about or perpetuate disunion or the partition<br />

of our country.<br />

3 To resist any attempt to force the men of <strong>Irel<strong>and</strong></strong> into any<br />

military service under any Government until a free National<br />

Government of <strong>Irel<strong>and</strong></strong> is empowered by the Irish people<br />

themselves to deal with it.<br />

4 To secure the abolition of the system of governing <strong>Irel<strong>and</strong></strong><br />

through Dublin Castle <strong>and</strong> the British Military power, <strong>and</strong> the<br />

establishment of a National Government in its place. 35<br />

Eamonn Ceannt of the Provisional Committee argued that the<br />

fallacy of Redmond’s recruiting argument was the assumption that<br />

Engl<strong>and</strong> had ever redressed an Irish grievance before the Irish<br />

people had made clear their determination to take the law into<br />

their own h<strong>and</strong>s. For example, Irish l<strong>and</strong> was wrested from ‘English<br />

planters’ not by pious resolution, but by organised illegality;<br />

Church of <strong>Irel<strong>and</strong></strong> disestablishment was accomplished by the<br />

Fenian conspiracy; Catholic Emancipation was won when<br />

Wellington perceived civil war; <strong>and</strong> the placing of home rule on the<br />

Statute Book was due to the Irish National Volunteer threat. Ceannt<br />

believed that <strong>Irel<strong>and</strong></strong> owed no gratitude to Engl<strong>and</strong>, pointing out<br />

that home rule was not yet a fact, <strong>and</strong> that <strong>Irel<strong>and</strong></strong> needed all her<br />

men either to st<strong>and</strong> up to an Engl<strong>and</strong> victorious in war, or to<br />

dem<strong>and</strong> her national rights from a beaten Engl<strong>and</strong>. 36 The<br />

Provisional Committee also opposed Redmond’s policy on the<br />

fundamental point of participation in the life struggle of the British<br />

Empire. Patrick Pearse argued:<br />

We say definitely no. In taking that st<strong>and</strong> we are taking the<br />

historical Irish national position. <strong>Irel<strong>and</strong></strong> has never accepted<br />

duties or responsibilities within the British Empire. The<br />

dem<strong>and</strong> now made upon her, the dem<strong>and</strong> that she should<br />

send out her young sons to fight the Empire’s battles, is a<br />

dem<strong>and</strong> that has never yet been made upon her by her<br />

national leaders. The making of that dem<strong>and</strong> constitutes a<br />

departure in national policy. Upon those who make the<br />

dem<strong>and</strong> lies the onus that new circumstances warrant a new<br />

<strong>and</strong> grave departure. Upon those who call <strong>Irel<strong>and</strong></strong> to take up<br />

duties <strong>and</strong> responsibilities within the Empire lies the onus of<br />

proving that <strong>Irel<strong>and</strong></strong>’s status as a subject country has<br />

changed. But it has not changed. The British military<br />

occupation of <strong>Irel<strong>and</strong></strong> still continues. A British Chief Secretary<br />

still rules <strong>Irel<strong>and</strong></strong> from Dublin Castle…. The doors of the Irish<br />

Parliament are still closed. No Irish Government responsible

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