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Dividing Ireland: World War I and Partition

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128 THE EASTER RISING AND AFTERMATH<br />

throwing <strong>Irel<strong>and</strong></strong>’s destiny on the chances of war. If Germany lost,<br />

<strong>Irel<strong>and</strong></strong> would be defenceless from Engl<strong>and</strong>. If however, Germany<br />

won, political independence for <strong>Irel<strong>and</strong></strong> might be obtainable with a<br />

European guarantee, <strong>Irel<strong>and</strong></strong> having secured a German guarantee<br />

before giving her support. If Germany attempted to retain <strong>Irel<strong>and</strong></strong><br />

herself, then Engl<strong>and</strong> would be helpful in expelling Germany; it<br />

was, therefore, in Germany’s interests for <strong>Irel<strong>and</strong></strong> to be<br />

independent. 26<br />

Hobson sought to develop this treatise, <strong>and</strong> in 1913 he asked Sir<br />

Roger Casement, an Irish Protestant with a distinguished<br />

diplomatic career, to write a memor<strong>and</strong>um on the position <strong>Irel<strong>and</strong></strong><br />

might adopt in a war between Germany <strong>and</strong> Britain. Hobson, at the<br />

beginning of 1914, took this memor<strong>and</strong>um to New York, <strong>and</strong> with<br />

the help of John Devoy, leader of the extreme Clann na Gael<br />

organisation there, gave it to the German Ambassador, Count von<br />

Bernstorff. Both Hobson <strong>and</strong> Casement believed an Anglo-German<br />

war was imminent, <strong>and</strong> wanted to secure a commitment that a<br />

German victory would result in an independent <strong>Irel<strong>and</strong></strong>. The IRB<br />

approved of the general purport of the document. 27 Casement<br />

developed the arguments of the strategic importance of <strong>Irel<strong>and</strong></strong> in<br />

a series of articles which he wrote between 1911 <strong>and</strong> 1915. He<br />

considered that the Pax Britannica had been achieved, not by the<br />

ethical superiority of the English race but by the favourable<br />

geographical position from which the English had been able to<br />

develop <strong>and</strong> direct their expansionist policies, by barring the<br />

seaways <strong>and</strong> closing the tideways of central <strong>and</strong> north-eastern<br />

Europe. Without <strong>Irel<strong>and</strong></strong>, Casement argued, there would be no<br />

British Empire.<br />

The vital importance of <strong>Irel<strong>and</strong></strong> was understood by British<br />

statesmen, claimed Casement, because the policy of subduing <strong>and</strong><br />

exploiting <strong>Irel<strong>and</strong></strong> had been the aim of every English government,<br />

from King Henry VIII onwards, whereas <strong>Irel<strong>and</strong></strong>’s vital importance<br />

to Europe had not been understood by European statesmen.<br />

Casement did not rule out a military defeat of Britain by Germany,<br />

but argued that in order for this to be realised <strong>Irel<strong>and</strong></strong> had to be<br />

detached from the British Empire, for to leave a defeated Engl<strong>and</strong><br />

in possession of <strong>Irel<strong>and</strong></strong> would not be to settle the question of<br />

equal German rights at sea, or in world policy, but to postpone the<br />

settlement to a second <strong>and</strong> possibly greater encounter. If Germany<br />

were to profit permanently from victory she would have to ensure<br />

that the seas would not be closed again. Casement, assuming for<br />

the sake of argument that Germany annexed <strong>Irel<strong>and</strong></strong>, maintained<br />

that it was not at all clear that she would, or even could, injure<br />

<strong>Irel<strong>and</strong></strong> more than Britain had done—for to what purpose <strong>and</strong> with

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