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Dividing Ireland: World War I and Partition

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THE IRISH CONVENTION AND CONSCRIPTION 223<br />

dominant issue in Nationalist Ulster. Therefore, the majority of<br />

Ulster Catholics were more disposed to endorse a policy of vigilant<br />

attendance at Westminster than to risk the consequences of Sinn<br />

Fein’s abstensionism. In the case of East Tyrone, the Irish Party<br />

was apprehensive enough to choose T.J.S.Harbison as its<br />

c<strong>and</strong>idate, who had opposed exclusion at the 1916 Belfast<br />

conference; nevertheless, Sean Milroy, an outsider, polled 1,222<br />

votes against Harbison’s 1,802 votes. 69 However, after the<br />

conscription crisis, in May 1918 Sinn Fein had its first electoral<br />

success in Ulster when Arthur Griffith defeated the Irish Party<br />

c<strong>and</strong>idate in the East Cavan by-election. From the conscription<br />

crisis onwards most observers in <strong>Irel<strong>and</strong></strong> <strong>and</strong> Britain had little<br />

doubt that Sinn Fein now represented the majority of the<br />

nationalist community’s opinion.<br />

The confirmation of this came in the 1918 General Election. With<br />

an Allied victory in France looking increasingly likely, the<br />

Government announced in October 1918 that December would see<br />

the first general election in the United Kingdom since 1910. At a<br />

special Sinn Fein executive meeting, on 19 November 1918, it was<br />

proposed that a plebiscite of voters from the nationalist<br />

community be taken at an early date to decide whether Sinn Fein<br />

or Irish Party c<strong>and</strong>idates should contest the Ulster seats against<br />

the ‘English garrison’, <strong>and</strong> that the Nationalist c<strong>and</strong>idate whose<br />

party received a minority of votes in each of these constituencies<br />

should give a pledge to st<strong>and</strong> down. 70 This forced Bishop McHugh<br />

to warn Sinn Fein that only a combined front could secure the<br />

nationalist community’s interests against the ‘Orange<br />

ascendancy’, emphasising that ‘we cannot forget we are<br />

Catholics’. The prospect of the loss of six or eight seats, due to a<br />

triangular Irish Party-Sinn Fein-Unionist contest, led the Roman<br />

Catholic Ulster bishops to call upon Dublin’s Lord Mayor to<br />

convene a de Valera-Dillon conference to divide the Ulster seats<br />

between them. Faced with bleak electoral prospects outside<br />

Devlin’s West Belfast stronghold, Dillon was forced to accept this<br />

advice. At a conference on 2 <strong>and</strong> 3 December 1918, Dillon <strong>and</strong><br />

Eoin MacNeill agreed to an equal division of the eight marginal<br />

seats, with Louge allocating them. 71<br />

The pact proved successful, with the adopted c<strong>and</strong>idates<br />

returned in seven of the eight constituencies. West Belfast, North-<br />

East Tyrone, South Armagh, South Down <strong>and</strong> East Donegal<br />

returned Irish Party supporters, <strong>and</strong> Sinn Feiners in South<br />

Fermanagh <strong>and</strong> North-West Tyrone; only East Down failed to<br />

return an anti-Unionist MP. In the two constituencies where both<br />

Sinn Fein <strong>and</strong> the Irish Party entered the lists, South Tyrone <strong>and</strong>

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