Dividing Ireland: World War I and Partition

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LOYALTY AND THE CROWN 179 T.M.Kettle; and Captain Sheehan, an O’Brienite member for mid- Cork, all of whom had proved that ‘their views on questions of Irish domestic policy were fully consistent with loyalty to the Crown’. All those MPs, said Bernard, represented political views which did not commend themselves fully to many of the speaker’s friends, or indeed himself, but ‘when it came to fighting for your country, King, and Empire they [the Irish Party MPs] were on their side, “and we were on theirs”. (Applause)’. This appreciation was followed by an even more extraordinary speech, considering its source, from the Lord Chief Justice of Ireland, Sir James Campbell, a previously implacable diehard opponent of Nationalism; Campbell explained how: It was not by his former political life and career that Major Redmond had…laid the foundation of the affection and respect that was entertained throughout the length and breadth of Ireland for his memory. It was for his action since the war. From the day the war broke out Major Willie Redmond never looked back. He at once realised what was the path of honour and duty for all his fellow-countrymen: and from that day he, like many others who found themselves faced with the momentous realities of this dreadful war and its tremendous possibilities, entertained the honest conviction that in their past years, they had spent too much time in accentuating the points on which they differed, while they overlooked the many points of agreement. (Applause). 64 The Irish Times agreed with Campbell that the Irish soldiers had to come home to something other than the ‘dry bones of old religious and political controversies. They have clean forgotten those controversies on the field of war, and we must do all that lies in us to make the amnesty perpetual…. In their death our soldiers would create a new Ireland’. 65 In the opinion of the Irish Times, Major Redmond had seen that ‘the road to Irish unity and progress led through the narrow gates of sacrifice’, and in his three years as a soldier he had done ‘more to bring Irishmen together than all our politicians had done in the thirty years before his death’. 66 Fundamental to this rapprochement between sections of Southern Unionism and Irish Nationalism was the former’s belief in the sincerity of Redmond and his supporters’ declarations of loyalty to the King and his Empire. The Proclamation of the Republic struck at the heart of this allegiance and the British
180 LOYALTY AND THE CROWN identity of all Unionists. In Ulster, after the Easter Rising, the Fermanagh Times had exclaimed: It is just as we have affirmed time after time…an ‘Irish Republic’ with which the authorities will for the future have to deal…. The golden cord of the Crown is to be severed. Away with the Sassanach, Ireland for the Irish—these are the things that alone concern the masses now…. The demand for an Irish Republic that now dominates the [Dublin] city mobs…is being taken up…from the centre to the circumference… ‘Saxon curs’, ‘Saxon dogs’, ‘Saxon brutes’ were the phrases with which…the city populace refreshed itself…. Well, after all, it is better so. The real sentiments that pervade the patriots may yet filter into the dense understandings of the British electorate. It will be a slow process for we have no high opinion of the penetrability of the average brain across the Channel. 67 All Unionists totally rejected Sinn Fein’s hostility to Ireland’s participation in the war and allegiance to the British Crown. Considering Darrel Figgis’ Catechism, Hugh de Fellenburg Montgomery, taking it section by section, argued: An Irishman may give his ‘true and best service’ to Ireland in many ways, but Ireland not being a nation in the sense in which England, Scotland, France, Spain &c…are nations this talk of loyalty to Ireland is essentially nonsense…still more obviously nonsense is the statement that a man belonging to one country cannot be loyal to another country to whom he is bound by honour or by interest to be loyal. At the present time every Englishman is bound to be loyal to France, Italy, America, Belgium, Serbia &c, and every Frenchman is bound to be loyal to England, Italy, America &c, and so forth. Irishmen are not asked to be loyal to England; they are required to be loyal to the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, of which they are de facto and de jure citizens and subjects. It would however be perfectly reasonable to ask any Irishman to be loyal to England, because it is in his interest to be loyal to England, England being his best and chief customer for everything he produces…. The fact that certain Irishmen are found who desire to rebel, with the object of breaking up the Union between the three kingdoms, does not contradict the fact that Ireland was conquered and partly
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Dividing Ireland World War I transf
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First published 1998 by Routledge 1
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Contents Acknowledgements vii Note
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Acknowledgements I wish to thank th
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Introduction The Crown and national
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British Isles. This represented a f
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scientists and historians attempt t
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British Empire. The concept of the
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xvii Scottish citizens also). If, h
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newer, identities; but, like all fo
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2 NATIONAL IDENTITY, HOME RULE AND
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42 IRELAND IN 1914 take the offer s
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44 IRELAND IN 1914 consulting with
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46 IRELAND IN 1914 The Longford Lea
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48 IRELAND IN 1914 would see the cr
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50 IRELAND IN 1914 national freedom
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52 IRELAND IN 1914 Irishmen, with b
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54 IRELAND IN 1914 Is it too flimsy
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56 IRELAND IN 1914 feel intensely t
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58 IRELAND IN 1914 The Whig describ
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60 IRELAND IN 1914 However, some So
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62 IRELAND IN 1914 does, they could
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64 IRELAND IN 1914 Redmond expresse
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66 IRELAND IN 1914 reassured the cr
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68 IRELAND IN 1914 Volunteer is a s
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70 IRELAND IN 1914 gaining the supp
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72 IRELAND IN 1914 Given the increa
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74 IRELAND IN 1914 The disquiet amo
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Chapter 3 The Great War and nationa
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THE GREAT WAR AND NATIONAL IDENTITY
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Chapter 4 The Easter Rising and aft
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THE EASTER RISING AND AFTERMATH 123
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Page 150 and 151: THE EASTER RISING AND AFTERMATH 129
Page 160 and 161: When that ball from my gun set him
Page 166 and 167: two Houses namely the Irish Senate
Page 176 and 177: Chapter 5 Loyalty and the Crown Nat
Page 178 and 179: LOYALTY AND THE CROWN 157 Ireland
Page 180 and 181: LOYALTY AND THE CROWN 159 have to b
Page 182 and 183: LOYALTY AND THE CROWN 161 independe
Page 184 and 185: LOYALTY AND THE CROWN 163 pursue th
Page 186 and 187: LOYALTY AND THE CROWN 165 never can
Page 188 and 189: LOYALTY AND THE CROWN 167 conceptio
Page 190 and 191: LOYALTY AND THE CROWN 169 It was tr
Page 192 and 193: LOYALTY AND THE CROWN 171 sunk, unt
Page 194 and 195: LOYALTY AND THE CROWN 173 England h
Page 196 and 197: LOYALTY AND THE CROWN 175 in Irelan
Page 198 and 199: LOYALTY AND THE CROWN 177 relative
Page 202 and 203: LOYALTY AND THE CROWN 181 settled b
Page 204 and 205: LOYALTY AND THE CROWN 183 imperial
Page 206 and 207: LOYALTY AND THE CROWN 185 and Wales
Page 208 and 209: LOYALTY AND THE CROWN 187 It is…i
Page 210 and 211: LOYALTY AND THE CROWN 189 But, the
Page 212 and 213: LOYALTY AND THE CROWN 191 war and d
Page 214 and 215: LOYALTY AND THE CROWN 193 supreme s
Page 216 and 217: LOYALTY AND THE CROWN 195 The rise
Page 218 and 219: Chapter 6 The Irish Convention and
Page 220 and 221: THE IRISH CONVENTION AND CONSCRIPTI
Page 238 and 239: send them here to endorse Acts of P
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Conclusion In retrospect it would a
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CONCLUSION 231 In supporting a Brit
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CONCLUSION 233 of their psychologic
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Notes Introduction: The Crown and n
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NOTES 237 1 National identity, Home
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NOTES 239 63 J.E.Redmond, The Justi
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14 Cork Examiner 4 August 1914. 15
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98 Irish Independent 1 September 19
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NOTES 245 62 Ibid. 63 Public Record
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143 Colvin, op. cit. pp.131-132. 14
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NOTES 249 60 National Library of Ir
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NOTES 251 21 Ibid. 30 June 1917. 22
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NOTES 253 102 Public Record Office
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NOTES 255 40 Public Record Office o
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J.H.Bernard papers Military Archive
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Dundalk Herald Dungannon Democrat E
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 261 Callan, Patrick
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 263 Kearney, Hugh The
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 265 Wilson, Trevor The
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Index Please note: note numbers app
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Church of Ireland Gazette 50, 185,
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Gallipoli campaign 104, 107, 110, 1
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Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB)
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nationality, British (and Irish uni
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Irish Convention 197, 199, 209, 211
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Dividing Ireland: World War I and Partition

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