Dividing Ireland: World War I and Partition
Dividing Ireland: World War I and Partition
Dividing Ireland: World War I and Partition
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230 CONCLUSION<br />
many of the political elite within Ulster Unionism, reinforced by<br />
their geographical security, warned that the experience of the war<br />
had begun a psychological process which might witness their<br />
ultimate absorption into a narrower definition of Britishness. This,<br />
it should be noted, was limited to the apex of the Ulster Unionist<br />
political class; however, it signalled the genesis of a process which<br />
might ultimately spread throughout the Ulster unionist communal<br />
consciousness. The most likely catalyst for this would be if<br />
republicanism became the dominant strain within Irish<br />
Nationalism, involving breaking the link of the Crown, which would<br />
involve the jettison of any concept of Irishness which retained a<br />
Britannic identity, by the rejection of British subjectship.<br />
It was in this way that the Great <strong>War</strong> transformed the Irish<br />
Question. In 1914, the majority of Irish Nationalists accepted that<br />
Irish self-government would be within the United Kingdom; by the<br />
end of the war the majority of Nationalists apparently supported<br />
the establishment of an Irish republic outside the British Empire. It<br />
is, however, more accurate to state that the vast majority of the<br />
nationalist community would have settled for a form of selfgovernment<br />
on Dominion lines, within the Empire but outside the<br />
United Kingdom, with many Nationalists recognising that the<br />
Dominions within the British Empire were now developing into a<br />
loose commonwealth of increasingly independent states. The<br />
significance of the war was that it catapulted Irish republicanism<br />
from an obscure, minority obsession into a potential form of<br />
government for a self-governing <strong>Irel<strong>and</strong></strong>.<br />
The period prior to the war had witnessed a time in which the<br />
precise nature of Irish <strong>and</strong> British identity was in flux. John<br />
Redmond <strong>and</strong> his supporters had hoped that the common sacrifice<br />
of Irish Nationalists <strong>and</strong> Unionists, on the field of battle, would<br />
lead to the creation of a common sense of Irishness, within a wider<br />
relationship binding Irishmen with Englishmen, Scotsmen,<br />
Canadians, Australians, New Zeal<strong>and</strong>ers <strong>and</strong> South Africans. The<br />
central fact of Redmondite imperialism was that it was<br />
aspirational; it was something to be acquired, slowly, as in South<br />
Africa, which had also had a difficult relationship with the imperial<br />
centre. When Redmond supported Britain during the war he had<br />
hoped that it would be a short conflict. But, the longer the war<br />
went on, the more problems it created for the British state <strong>and</strong><br />
changes at the heart of government made many Nationalists<br />
believe that home rule would never become a reality.<br />
Consequently, Redmond <strong>and</strong> the Irish Party were considered to<br />
have wasted a golden opportunity to secure home rule at the start<br />
of the war.