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Dividing Ireland: World War I and Partition

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IRELAND IN 1914 51<br />

Unionist Governments, <strong>and</strong> the realisation that personal safety <strong>and</strong><br />

property rights were secure under the aegis of the British Empire<br />

<strong>and</strong> Union Jack. 38 The Kilkenny Moderator described <strong>Irel<strong>and</strong></strong>’s<br />

attitude as ‘phenomenal’, indicating a unity <strong>and</strong> purpose among<br />

all classes which had never existed at any previous period; ‘There<br />

was in fact, but one mind <strong>and</strong> one heart in regard to Engl<strong>and</strong> in<br />

her present conflict with Germany It is not merely an indifferent or<br />

apathetic assent to this English war policy. The Irishman is<br />

earnest, determined, enthusiastic—it may be said fanatically loyal<br />

to Engl<strong>and</strong> in this gigantic struggle’, based upon an intelligent<br />

underst<strong>and</strong>ing of German domination, the paper concluded; 39 the<br />

war had done this with ‘magic celebrity’. 40<br />

The Church of <strong>Irel<strong>and</strong></strong> Gazette interpreted Nationalist loyalty as<br />

similar to the Unionist definition of Irishness, within a primary<br />

Britannic framework, emphasising how the United Kingdom,<br />

composed of English, Scots, Irish <strong>and</strong> Welsh nationalities, was<br />

evidence of how four historical entities acted as members of one<br />

body, their ‘essential unity the work of centuries, which forged the<br />

parts into a working whole’. 41 Indeed, this interpretation of<br />

Irishness enabled some Southern Unionists, such as Samuel<br />

Howard, while writing to the Irish Times, to refer to Redmond as a<br />

‘great British statesman’. Howard based this assessment upon<br />

Redmond’s loyalty to the Crown, stressing that ‘Loyalty to King<br />

<strong>and</strong> country in this rugged <strong>and</strong> awful crisis is either above or<br />

below price. It is either purchasable or it is not worth purchase’. 42<br />

Similarly, the Bishop of Ossory thanked Redmond for his<br />

deliverance of British national unity:<br />

We are all in the same peril, we who are the King’s subjects.<br />

We are concerned with our duty to our common country.<br />

Englishmen, Irishmen, Scotchmen—Roman Catholic <strong>and</strong><br />

Protestant—Churchmen <strong>and</strong> Dissenter—Unionist <strong>and</strong><br />

Nationalist—North <strong>and</strong> South—we are all in the same peril.<br />

And, thank God, we are all united in our determination to play<br />

our part in the defence of home <strong>and</strong> fatherl<strong>and</strong>. We do not<br />

agree on many large questions, but all our differences must<br />

be laid aside in the presence of a common danger <strong>and</strong> a<br />

common opportunity. The man who prefers his party to his<br />

country at this crisis, whatever be his political creed is no<br />

patriot…. I speak as a Unionist <strong>and</strong> as a bishop of the Irish<br />

Church when I say that the leader of the Nationalist Party,<br />

who represents the Roman Catholics of <strong>Irel<strong>and</strong></strong>, has acted as a<br />

true patriot <strong>and</strong> a wise statesman in his efforts to bring<br />

Irishmen together…. Please God, the association of brave

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