Dividing Ireland: World War I and Partition
Dividing Ireland: World War I and Partition
Dividing Ireland: World War I and Partition
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160 LOYALTY AND THE CROWN<br />
futile in practice. <strong>Irel<strong>and</strong></strong> had been sending representatives to<br />
Westminster for 116 years by 1917, <strong>and</strong> during that time <strong>Irel<strong>and</strong></strong><br />
had had two famine periods, years bordering on famine, four open<br />
insurrectionary periods, long periods of partly suppressed<br />
insurrections, wholesale evictions, abnormal emigration, scores of<br />
Coercion Acts, ever-increasing taxation, destruction of industries,<br />
decrease of tillage, <strong>and</strong> ‘mind-stupefying’ methods of education.<br />
Irish MPs at Westminster made eloquent speeches, asked<br />
questions, called attention to Irish grievances, pleaded, appealed,<br />
voted with one English party <strong>and</strong> another, but were materially<br />
unable to influence British government policy towards <strong>Irel<strong>and</strong></strong>. 21<br />
Abstentionism, the refusal to send its elected representatives to<br />
Westminster, became the cornerstone of the Sinn Fein electoral<br />
platform.<br />
Sinn Fein’s case for <strong>Irel<strong>and</strong></strong> to be heard before the Peace<br />
Conference rested upon the claim that <strong>Irel<strong>and</strong></strong> was a sovereign<br />
state, one of the four ancient <strong>and</strong> sovereign European states, as<br />
established among the European Powers at the Council of<br />
Constance in 1417. There the question of precedence had arisen<br />
between the legates of King Charles VI of France <strong>and</strong> King Henry V<br />
of Engl<strong>and</strong>, when the latter, ab<strong>and</strong>oning any claim in respect of the<br />
Kingdom of Engl<strong>and</strong>, put forward a claim in respect of the<br />
Kingdom of <strong>Irel<strong>and</strong></strong>, which he ‘pretended <strong>and</strong> assumed’ had been<br />
transferred to Engl<strong>and</strong>. The King of Engl<strong>and</strong> made good the case<br />
of the ‘nation of <strong>Irel<strong>and</strong></strong>’ to be considered third in precedence of<br />
the four ancient <strong>and</strong> sovereign states of Europe; <strong>and</strong> his legates<br />
took precedence of the King of France’s legates accordingly<br />
Therefore, it was argued by Sinn Feiners that for over a thous<strong>and</strong><br />
years <strong>Irel<strong>and</strong></strong> had exercised her full sovereign status <strong>and</strong>, for<br />
another five hundred years, during which time the full exercise of<br />
that sovereignty was frustrated, her sovereign status was<br />
recognised by the European Powers <strong>and</strong> its re-establishment made<br />
the subject of negotiation <strong>and</strong> treaty by certain of those powers.<br />
<strong>Irel<strong>and</strong></strong>, it was claimed, had never surrendered her sovereign<br />
status, <strong>and</strong> no power, possessing title by conquest, by compact, or<br />
by treaty, could claim to exercise Irish sovereignty, for Irish<br />
sovereignty existed despite British suppression, its exercise being<br />
prevented by external force. Sinn Fein also claimed that <strong>Irel<strong>and</strong></strong><br />
was a sovereign state because the conscious will of the Irish nation<br />
for the restoration of its sovereignty had been asserted in every<br />
generation since its suppression, by rebellion against British rule,<br />
<strong>and</strong> that <strong>Irel<strong>and</strong></strong>, by history, culture, <strong>and</strong> language was a<br />
distinctive, individual <strong>and</strong> separate nation. Therefore <strong>Irel<strong>and</strong></strong><br />
possessed within herself all the moral <strong>and</strong> material constituents of