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Dividing Ireland: World War I and Partition

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THE GREAT WAR AND NATIONAL IDENTITY 111<br />

J.H.Bernard, the Church of <strong>Irel<strong>and</strong></strong> Bishop of Ossory, echoed similar<br />

elements, in September 1915, when he looked to the post-war<br />

Irish situation. Although no one could predict what the political<br />

situation would be, Bernard supposed that no reasonable man<br />

would be unaffected by the fact that the ‘best of <strong>Irel<strong>and</strong></strong>’s blood’<br />

had been poured out in the common cause of King <strong>and</strong> Country.<br />

Bernard drew no distinction between Unionists <strong>and</strong> Nationalists,<br />

Roman Catholics, Presbyterians or Churchmen, for the ‘same grass<br />

grew over their graves in far-off fields’. In Kilkenny, where he<br />

spoke, Bernard had noticed a coming together in a common<br />

sorrow of the unionist <strong>and</strong> nationalist communities, <strong>and</strong> he did not<br />

forget that the first Irish chaplain killed at the front was a Roman<br />

Catholic chaplain to the Royal Dublin Fusiliers. Bernard hoped that<br />

the memory of these things might soften the bitterness of political<br />

antagonism, although he stressed that this did not mean that one<br />

side or the other should ab<strong>and</strong>on old convictions; but it was now<br />

unthinkable, he thought, that Irishmen would draw the sword<br />

against Irishmen after the war, although he realised that it would<br />

not be easy to compose these differences, dem<strong>and</strong>ing as it would,<br />

patience <strong>and</strong> the absence of old party shibboleths. 126<br />

Such sentiments were welcomed by supporters of the Irish Party,<br />

but outraged many Ulster Unionists. So, whereas in 1915 the<br />

Freeman’s Journal found J.H. Bernard’s comments ‘remarkable’,<br />

seeing in them a common theme enunciated in Redmond’s<br />

speeches, 127 <strong>and</strong> a recognition that the ‘community of sacrifice<br />

<strong>and</strong> grief is established’ among nationalists <strong>and</strong> unionists, 128 the<br />

response of the Belfast News-Letter to the speech was to inquire<br />

as to what was meant by ‘old party shibboleths’. Certainly, the<br />

Union was not a shibboleth, <strong>and</strong> perhaps Nationalists, were<br />

Bernard to inquire, would tell him that home rule <strong>and</strong> ‘<strong>Irel<strong>and</strong></strong> a<br />

nation’ were not either. What then was to be ab<strong>and</strong>oned? asked<br />

the News-Letter. The Kaiser thought Belgian neutrality was a<br />

shibboleth, but Asquith <strong>and</strong> his colleagues thought it was worth<br />

fighting for; like-wise Ulstermen believed that the British<br />

Constitution’s maintenance was a duty no less sacred than<br />

Belgium’s neutrality. 129 The Northern Whig claimed that Redmond<br />

<strong>and</strong> home rule could not be credited with the presence of so many<br />

Irish soldiers at the front, for it could not be forgotten that in<br />

previous wars, when there was no home rule scheme, Irishmen<br />

were to be found fighting for the Empire. 130 Indeed, the Whig<br />

claimed that the 10th (Irish) Division had hundreds of Englishmen<br />

in it, while the 16th (Irish) Division was minus a whole brigade, <strong>and</strong><br />

its reserve battalions were also full of Englishmen. 131 The Whig<br />

attacked the Irish Party’s claim to political ownership of the 10th

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