15.09.2013 Views

Dividing Ireland: World War I and Partition

Dividing Ireland: World War I and Partition

Dividing Ireland: World War I and Partition

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles

YUMPU automatically turns print PDFs into web optimized ePapers that Google loves.

xviii<br />

imperialists in a wider context, a state of consciousness which has<br />

been termed a ‘special ambiguity’. 31 The unity of the British<br />

Empire was real, unlike the period 1714–1837 when Hanover was<br />

ruled by British kings but each state was a distinct national unit<br />

<strong>and</strong> the Crown of Hanover was not indissolubly linked with that of<br />

the United Kingdom, each being held on a separate tenure. In the<br />

case of the white settler colonies, there was no diversity in the<br />

tenure of the Crown, for the Dominions had never been wholly<br />

separate kingdoms. 32<br />

The Crown allowed British national identity to be elastic <strong>and</strong> to<br />

allow the development of multi-layered national identities. A<br />

multilayered British identity, such as Scots-Britishness, was<br />

possible because the United Kingdom was a composite of older<br />

nations, that is communities of people with a distinctive social<br />

identity <strong>and</strong> distinctive political institutions also; to describe the<br />

United Kingdom as a multi-national state was to call attention to<br />

those things that differentiated its parts. 33 The manifestation of a<br />

homogeneous British nation was noticeable by its absence. In<br />

defining Scottishness, for example, one might make a distinction<br />

between national self-consciousness, the awareness of belonging<br />

to a Scottish nation, <strong>and</strong> nationalism, the desire for the Scottish<br />

national community alone to control the state. Scots identity<br />

was not automatically in opposition to British identity; British<br />

citizenship was understood to supplement the primary Scottish<br />

nationality. 34 Welsh national consciousness, in the absence of any<br />

institutional basis—which Scotl<strong>and</strong> retained—had long been less<br />

secure, relying upon linguistic <strong>and</strong> literary qualities in opposition<br />

to English cultural dominance. 35 The determination of the English<br />

to maintain the power, independence <strong>and</strong> welfare of the British<br />

state they created <strong>and</strong> dominated has been shared by the majority<br />

of the peoples of Scotl<strong>and</strong>, Wales <strong>and</strong> what became Northern<br />

<strong>Irel<strong>and</strong></strong>. 36 As part of this process, however, it has been suggested<br />

that Engl<strong>and</strong> has virtually seceded from the original concept of<br />

Britishness, producing not a dual identity, as with Scots-<br />

Britishness, but a fused identity of Greater Engl<strong>and</strong>, with Engl<strong>and</strong><br />

equalling Great Britain in the consciousness of the English. 37<br />

The nature of Britishness in the United Kingdom <strong>and</strong> the wider<br />

British Empire was flexible enough to accommodate other<br />

identities within it. Britishness was assimilative rather than<br />

exclusive. 38 It allowed for a multitude of identities to develop<br />

under its umbrella, providing for different interpretations of<br />

Britishness, all defined by their own environmental influences.<br />

Britishness allowed an accommodation with other, older <strong>and</strong>

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!