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Dividing Ireland: World War I and Partition

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108 THE GREAT WAR AND NATIONAL IDENTITY<br />

O’Connor warned that an Irish Party intervention against<br />

conscription in Britain might strike the British people as<br />

inopportune <strong>and</strong> seriously wound Asquith. 117 There was also<br />

Redmond’s attitude to consider, with O’Connor arguing that<br />

fighting any conscription bill to the bitter end might result in the<br />

choice of either losing Redmond as the Irish Party’s leader or<br />

making a perfunctory protest <strong>and</strong> keeping him coupled with the<br />

exclusion of the measure in <strong>Irel<strong>and</strong></strong>. As O’Connor explained to<br />

Dillon, ‘He [Redmond] feels so strongly about the war…that he<br />

may feel himself unable to take up the same attitude as you do;<br />

<strong>and</strong> your attitude, according to what I read in the Irish papers,<br />

seems to be the only attitude which will satisfy Irish opinion’. 118<br />

Redmond did indeed reject Dillon’s concerns, instead taking the<br />

view that the conscription question was one of necessity <strong>and</strong> not<br />

of principle. No man, he argued, could deny that, if the Germans<br />

l<strong>and</strong>ed on the Kent or Irish coasts, his objection to the principle of<br />

conscription should be allowed to prevent him from making a fight<br />

to defend his country’s shores. Thus it was a question of degree,<br />

not principle, as to whether men should be forced to meet the foe<br />

at Calais, instead of Kent. If it could be shown that voluntary<br />

recruitment had broken down <strong>and</strong> that compulsion was the only<br />

means of raising the men needed to end the war, then Redmond<br />

‘knew of no man who would allow his personal predilections<br />

against Conscription to st<strong>and</strong> in the way of a course which had<br />

become necessary to the very life of the country’. But he also<br />

argued that the onus of proof lay with those who proposed<br />

conscription, <strong>and</strong> until this was done, he remained hostile to it for<br />

Engl<strong>and</strong>. <strong>Irel<strong>and</strong></strong>, he thought, was in a ‘fortunate’ position, having<br />

been told how many men had been raised <strong>and</strong> how many were<br />

wanted, officially 50,000. The three things <strong>Irel<strong>and</strong></strong> had been asked<br />

to do, said Redmond, were to provide the necessary drafts for the<br />

old Irish regiments, to raise three entirely new divisions, <strong>and</strong> to<br />

help keep the reserve Irish battalions at full strength, allowing him<br />

to conclude that <strong>Irel<strong>and</strong></strong> was in a much better position than Britain,<br />

he having no doubt that Irish requirements could be met. 119<br />

Redmond explained the differences in numbers of recruits<br />

between Great Britain <strong>and</strong> <strong>Irel<strong>and</strong></strong> by emphasising that the change<br />

in <strong>Irel<strong>and</strong></strong>’s relationship with the Empire had been so rapid that<br />

men in Britain were apt to forget the difficulties the Irish Party had<br />

had to face. Redmond used the example of General Botha, the<br />

South African leader who had quelled a pro-German Boer rebellion<br />

<strong>and</strong> then gone on to deliver the Empire’s only military success so<br />

far with victory in German East Africa, to illustrate his point. Botha<br />

had telegraphed the Irish Party leader, concurring with the latter’s

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