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Lataa ilmaiseksi

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D W E L L I N G W I T H D E S I G N<br />

150<br />

broader context, such as a certain recognisable style). The second part of the<br />

analysis had to do with the household’s account (interpreted through interviews<br />

and photographs) of how much time they were investing in their dwelling<br />

conditions through renovation projects, tuning or, for example, researching<br />

new possibilities and options.<br />

This analysis is sensitised to see differences where, on the surface, the households<br />

appear similar and similarities where one would not assume to find them.<br />

One would not think that the design-intensive dwelling activities of, for example,<br />

the Ylinen family, Asta, Kalle & Emma, Anniina and Tiina (who all appropriate<br />

design with autonomous ease) would have much in common, while it<br />

would be easy to assume that the designers in our sample would share similar<br />

kinds of approaches, for example that they would be awfully meticulous with<br />

their interior decorations; however, such an assumption does not hold true, not<br />

even in my small sample. Dwelling with design is not a very straightforward<br />

enterprise.<br />

It was not self-evident that the interpretation would emphasise a household’s<br />

style of appropriation as the point of departure, or that the interpretation would<br />

draw from a household’s account of its context complexity and use of time<br />

instead of, for example, demographics like social class or gender. Social class<br />

plays an important role in research on taste, linking it with appropriation (Halle<br />

1993; Lamont 1994; Gartman 2000; Woodward 2003; Sun Lim 2006; Aarsand<br />

& Aronsson 2009), and gender is a point of view often used in domestication<br />

studies and, more generally, in research on the home and domesticity (Cockburn<br />

& Fürst Dilić 1994; Saarikangas 2002; Chapman 2004; Pink 2004; Corneliussen<br />

2005; Peteri 2006; Casey & Martens 2007; Boberg 2008). However, Mirja<br />

Liikkanen points out that, Finnish social classes are remarkably similar in their<br />

judgements about taste (Liikkanen 2009 198), and Joanne Hollows makes the<br />

same point about classes in general (Hollows 2008 81). Liikkanen also points out<br />

that gender is a better explanation for Finnish preferences when it comes to cultural<br />

institutions such as theatre, concerts or art exhibitions. While, for example,<br />

literature is widely appreciated throughout Finland, women tend to appreciate<br />

it the most. On the other hand, men tend to favour sports and, in general, have<br />

less interest in cultural institutions (Liikkanen 2009 174-175). Design aspirations<br />

were not studied among the aforementioned cultural institutions, but it is safe<br />

to assume that gender and social class no doubt play important roles in how<br />

the interviewees dwell with design. However, I decided in this work to focus on<br />

households as units of analysis and work based on notions about time investment<br />

and the complexity of context because my data most fruitfully seemed to<br />

be about the investments and management of the appropriation process.

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