Conference Programme (PDF, 1019KB) - Trinity College Dublin

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abstracts by stream and session developed responses in conjunction with employers to maintain and create employment opportunities. Notably, in recent years and since the accession of 12 new countries into the EU, the number of permits issued to non-EEA workers has steadily decreased and from 2010, the SHWS will be discontinued. This paper is interested in the extent to which both temporary and more permanent workers within the horticultural industry have developed strategies to shape ‘landscapes of capitalism’ (Herod, 2001) and negotiate the terms and conditions of their employment and living circumstances. As a largely unorganised spatially mobile workforce, notwithstanding precarious health and safety concerns within the industry, I consider the extent to which agency in this regard can impact on workers’ spatially embedded everyday lives. With workers involved as research participants, I hope to reveal the subjective experience of employment and the extent to which agency and its limitations are significant to workers themselves. In this regard, I am interested in the local, the contingent, the partial and how these elements help to shape broader outcomes. The constitution of labour market needs in Western Europe Camilla Devitt, European University Institute, Italy The definition of labour market needs is one of the primary tasks of immigration policy-makers. Modes of identifying these needs vary considerably across Western Europe, from transparent scientifically-based models to more informal processes finishing with decisions taken behind ‘gilded doors’. I take a look at two ‘matched pairs’, Ireland and the UK and Italy and France. In the former states, state agencies and experts conduct transparent analyses of labour market needs, based on sets of pre-defined variables, as well as more qualitative examinations of labour demand and supply and stakeholder consultancy. In the latter states, the definition of labour market needs is based on state consultation with the social partners and other civil society groups, the process of which is not open to the public. There is also variation within the two ‘matched pairs’. While different variables and methods are used in defining labour market needs in Ireland and the UK, the French regions have a stronger, more consistent role than their Italian counterparts in defining their own needs for foreign labour. In this paper, I investigate variation in modes of defining labour market needs in these four states and evaluate the efficacy of the various methods in terms of meeting governments’ economic and political objectives. I then attempt to provide an explanation for cross-national variation. Recruitment Processes and Immigration Regulations: The Disjointed Pathways to Employing Migrant Carers in Ageing Societies *Kieran Walsh, National University of Ireland, Galway, Ireland Alessio Cangiano, University of Oxford, UK There has been a significant growth in the demand for migrant registered nurses and migrant care assistants in the British and Irish older adult long-term care sectors. The shift in population age structures, coupled with an increased difficulty in employing indigenous carers, has meant that migrant registered nurses and migrant social carers are now embedded in the care systems of the two countries. While this cultural transformation of the care workforce indicates that massive foreign recruitment has occurred in older adult care – a sector disadvantaged in terms of resource allocation and prioritisation - there is little known about foreign recruitment in the long-term care labour market. How recruitment strategies function within the regulatory structures of each country is also unknown. Given the reliance on migrant carers, the relationship between recruitment and the regulations that govern labour migration is likely to be crucial to sector efficiency; but has not featured in the literature. To address the current information deficits, this paper provides new evidence on the recruitment processes of UK and Irish older adult care providers to hire migrant nurses and social carers; the role of immigration regulations in facilitating and shaping these processes; and the impact of this system on the older adult care sector and on migrant carers. The different migration histories of Ireland and the UK and the disparity in the scale of migration and care sectors, introduces subtle differences in terms of policy, practice and regulation. Nevertheless, without an empirical comparison it is difficult to know what these factors mean for the recruitment of migrant care workers in older adult care. The research uses Irish and UK data collected as a part of the cross-national study on ‘the role of migrant care workers in ageing societies’. A national survey of long-term care employers, telephone interviews with employers and semi-structured interviews with migrant registered nurses and migrant care workers in Ireland and the UK were the primary data sources. The findings indicate that a combination of recruitment strategies was used to identify and recruit migrant carers in the older adult care sector. These included orthodox techniques (regional and local advertising), informal networks and recruitment agencies. While there is overlap in the methods used, differences existed for the type of labour market being targeted (i.e. local versus EAA versus international), the type of carers being recruited (i.e. nurses versus social carers) and the migration status of the care workers. The research showed that these three factors were intertwined in the experiences of migrant carers and employers and were influenced directly by the regulatory framework of each country. The findings are discussed in terms of key differences and similarities across the UK and Ireland and with respect to the disadvantage of older adult care and the conceptualisation of care as represented in immigration regulations. SESSION 6b Migration, Integration and the Labour Market Invisible Visible Minority: Chinese in Serbia Maja Korac, University of East London, UK Since the mid 1990s, the number of Chinese immigrants settling in Serbia has been steadily rising; estimates vary widely from a few thousand (Vasic, 2001) to up to 50,000 (Milutinovic, 2008). In explaining the phenomenon of Chinese migration to Serbia during the turbulent period of the 1990s and the first decade of the 21st century, the paper examines the social processes underpinning it. Chinese immigrants started settling in Belgrade and Serbia at the time of massive inward and outward movements of the local/endogenous population caused by war, human rights abuse and economic hardship. As a consequence, Serbia and other successor states of 55
abstracts by stream and session Yugoslavia have become ethnically homogeneous, preoccupied with ethnic identity politics and fear or hatred of an ethnic ‘Other’. Beyond Serbia and war affected region, in Bulgaria, Greece, Hungary, Italy and Rumania, late 1980s and 1990s were marked by a new phenomenon: arrival and settlement of immigrants, including Chinese. Against the backdrop of these processes, this paper maps out the situation of Chinese immigrants in Belgrade and Serbia. It examines the reasons and patterns of their migration to South Eastern Europe and Serbia, moulds of their incorporation into the receiving economy and society, as well as the ways in which this recent influx of Chinese immigrants is impacting upon Serbian society. Discussion in this paper presents some findings of my research, which combines contextual analysis of Chinese migration to Serbia and a pilot ethnographic (qualitative) study among ‘newcomers’ and ‘hosts’. The collection of data was carried out in Belgrade/Serbia between September and December 2009. The contextual analysis of Chinese migration to Serbia is based on: 1) analysis of the media coverage concerning ‘the exotic stranger in our midst’, and on 2) semi-structured interviews with officials, academics and other professionals about the phenomenon of Chinese migration to Serbia and the economic, socio-cultural and political processes underpinning it. There is hardly any research and published studies on Chinese in Serbia, and there is very little, newly emerging on these groups in the countries of South Eastern, Central or Eastern Europe. The discussion in this paper is to fill in this gap and to contribute to the ongoing academic and policy debates on settlement and integration, diasporas and the role of transnational strategies and social spaces. Waves of Migration: Social and Economic dimensions of Brazilian immigrants in Portugal *José Marques, Instituto Politécnico de Leiria – INDEA, Portugal Pedro Gois, University of Porto, Portugal Brazil used to be a country that received migrants from around the world. Before the 1960s, Brazil was a country of immigration. In recent years, however, it is estimated that between 4-5 million Brazilians have migrated to the USA, Europe and Japan. Brazilian migration to European Union countries partially differs from the migration pattern to the USA and substantially differs from those to Japan. Regarding the EU, available evidence indicated that the current flow of Brazilians to the EU is significantly distinct from the previous migratory waves. Thus while previous migration maybe mainly attributed to historical colonial links (e.g. to Portugal or Italy), this new wave seems to be structured in a very different way. Although economic reasoning may explain the individual decisions, the evolution of the migratory flow depends also on the political sanctions of the countries involved (e.g. regularization possibilities) as well as on the force and degree of the structuring of formal and informal migratory networks at both ends of the migratory chain. In terms of human capital the newcomers from Brazil seem to have an heterogeneous composition, ranging from highly qualified Brazilian migrants to non qualified Brazilian migrants. Despite its importance, Brazilian immigration has not been yet the subject of a broad research and/or research dissemination, contrary to what has happened with other immigrant groups in the EU. Based on research conducted recently by the authors, the main objective of this presentation is to present the main characteristics of this recent migratory flow of Brazilians to Portugal, their incorporation into the labour market and in other social spheres, and the relations they maintain with the country of origin. It will be showed that this flow is above all a labour movement composed mainly by young adults that take the opportunities offered in the secondary segments of the labour market. The flow of Brazilians to Portugal is particularly illustrative of a more generalized migration pattern that spread to other European countries in the last years and its study could thus lead to a better knowledge of the new Brazilian migration waves to the EU. In fact, Brazilian immigrants in Portugal present a profile and migration strategies that aren’t radically different from other recent international migration flows directed to the EU, namely to Ireland and Belgium. In the Portuguese case, the existence of a consolidated lusophone migration system, the functioning of the social networks, and the political opportunities available to Brazilian immigrants seem to explain the reason why the country as been one of the most desired European destinies for Brazilians and, also, an open door or a transit country to other EU countries. Mass Immigration in the US: Who Gains and Who Loses? *Lynn Duggan, Indiana University of Bloomington, USA Barbara Bergmann, American University, USA The US experience of mass immigration from the 1980s through the present is characterized by highly concentrated benefits to immigrants and employers of recent immigrants and diffuse costs to many other groups. In this paper we examine the distribution of these benefits and costs in an attempt to sort out 1) what to do about the illegal immigrants already in the this country, (2) whether to allow the entry of large numbers of new legal immigrants, and (3) whether and how to prevent additional massive flows of illegal immigration in the future. Our focus includes the impact of immigration on wages in low-skill employment and on income inequality among women, among men, among racial/ethnic groups, and between women and men. This involves an examination of wages, working conditions, and the gender balance in construction, meatpacking, agricultural labor, domestic labor, and other industries with high rates of immigrant labor and/or high recruitment levels. We discuss the evolution of “caring chains” and the growing gap between high and low income women. We briefly examine the current US political climate regarding mass immigration. Some likely consequences of this climate are examined. We then move to a brief inventory of political forces supporting and opposing various immigration reforms as well as speculation regarding the reason for a stalemate on immigration policy reform. Our findings lead us to support a recommendation that immigration policy be reformed to include amnesty for undocumented immigrants currently in the US, coordination of immigration quotas with US unemployment rates, and enforcement of tough sanctions against employers who hire undocumented immigrants. 56
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• NEW MIGRATIONS, NEW CHALLENGES
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table of contents welcome 1 table o
Page 5 and 6: plenary speakers Anna Triandafyllid
Page 7 and 8: keynote speakers Robert J Sampson R
Page 9 and 10: general conference information Conf
Page 11 and 12: programme wednesday 30 june WHEN? W
Page 13 and 14: plenary and keynote sessions “EU
Page 15 and 16: plenary and keynote sessions friday
Page 17 and 18: *Where there are multiple authors,
Page 19 and 20: parallel sessions METHODOLOGICAL IS
Page 21 and 22: parallel sessions CHILDREN, YOUTH A
Page 23 and 24: parallel sessions MIGRATION, EMPLOY
Page 25 and 26: parallel sessions MIGRATION, EMPLOY
Page 27 and 28: parallel sessions d POLICY IMPLICAT
Page 29 and 30: parallel sessions d POLICY IMPLICAT
Page 31 and 32: parallel sessions e CHILDREN, YOUTH
Page 33 and 34: parallel sessions METHODOLOGICAL IS
Page 35 and 36: abstracts by stream and session I f
Page 37 and 38: abstracts by stream and session SES
Page 41 and 42: abstracts by stream and session The
Page 43 and 44: abstracts by stream and session Fro
Page 49 and 50: abstracts by stream and session Par
Page 51 and 52: abstracts by stream and session occ
Page 53 and 54: abstracts by stream and session Ado
Page 55: abstracts by stream and session The
Page 59 and 60: abstracts by stream and session New
Page 61 and 62: abstracts by stream and session Lab
Page 65 and 66: abstracts by stream and session Gov
Page 69 and 70: abstracts by stream and session Ret
Page 71 and 72: abstracts by stream and session Sec
Page 75 and 76: abstracts by stream and session edu
Page 81 and 82: abstracts by stream and session Ans
Page 83 and 84: abstracts by stream and session met
Page 85 and 86: abstracts by stream and session Our
Page 89 and 90: abstracts by stream and session con
Page 91 and 92: abstracts by stream and session Not
Page 95 and 96: abstracts by stream and session We
Page 97 and 98: abstracts by stream and session cen
Page 99 and 100: abstracts by stream and session Tod
Page 101 and 102: abstracts by stream and session Bel
Page 103 and 104: conference delegates Adel Pasztor |
Page 105: conference delegates Laura Morosanu
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