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Conference Programme (PDF, 1019KB) - Trinity College Dublin

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abstracts by stream and session<br />

SESSION 7g<br />

Muslim women in the German labour market: A large scale assessment of their economical activity and occupational success<br />

*Stephanie Muessig, Federal Office for Migration and Refugees & Johannes Gutenberg-University Mainz, Germany<br />

Anja Stichs, Federal Office for Migration and Refugees, Germany<br />

As to their process of integration, the involvement and positioning of migrants in the labour market of the host country is wideley<br />

acknowledged as acid test. Those migrants, who are economically active and take root in the labour market, are considered as sufficiently<br />

integrated into their host society.<br />

Furthermore, the assimilation theory itself states that labour market integration – as part of the structural dimension of assimilation – is<br />

an indispensable aspect to the assimilation of migrants into the host society (Esser 2000: 306).<br />

The vast amount of scientific publications dealing with immigrant integration into the labour market underlines the importance ascribed<br />

to employment patterns of migrants (Haug 2002, Kalter 2007, Seibert 2008, Tucci 2008).<br />

Being employed and holding certain job positions is highly determined by gender and ethnic cleavages on the German labour market.<br />

Official statistics report that women in Germany are less often employed than men, and women with migration background are less often<br />

employed than native German women (Statistisches Bundesamt 2007: 208ff.). Disadvantages for migrants on the labour market– often<br />

referred to as ‚ethnic penalties’ – have been also observed in other countries (Cheung/Heath 2007; Bowlby/Lloyd-Evans 2009). Research<br />

findings display a lower labour force participation rate especially for women of Turkish origin compared to women, who migrated from<br />

other countries to Germany (Bender/Seifert 1996; Haug 2002; Stichs 2008). Up to now, it is an unanswered question, whether this can be<br />

traced back to the religious affiliation of Turkish women, who are predominantly Muslim or to other factors.<br />

Our research proposal tries to fill this gap by investigating labour market participation and occupational careers of women in Germany,<br />

which derive from different countries of predominantly Muslim population. We ask whether both – labour market paricipation and career<br />

– are affected by their religious affiliation by comparison of Muslim and non-Muslim women. In addition, we analyse the influence of the<br />

individual religiosity level on economical activity and occupational positioning. Both requests are based on the theoretical assumption<br />

that a high level of religiosity comes along with traditional role perceptions. Thus, highly religious women, regardless of their religious<br />

affiliation, are more likely to be less gainfully employed than women with a lower level of religiosity. However, if women are in a work<br />

relation, their religious affiliation and the level of religiosity should not as much affect their occupational position as their educational<br />

achievement and professional qualification should.<br />

Besides, we would like to investigate, whether, and if yes, how important the headscarf is for employment and occupational patterns of<br />

Muslim women.<br />

In detail, we would like to answer the following questions:<br />

• How can differences in labour market participation and occupational careers be described between Muslim and non-Muslim<br />

women in Germany from countries with predominantly Muslim population?<br />

• Which factors explain labour market participation and occupational positioning of Muslim and non-Muslim women?<br />

• Does the individual religiosity level exert an independent influence on labour market participation and occupational positioning<br />

while taking into account other theoretically relevant explanation?<br />

• Does wearing a headscarf induce differences to the employment situation of Muslim women and their occupational positions<br />

compared to unveiled Muslim women?<br />

The analysis is based on the data of the large-scale survey project „Muslim life in Germany“, conducted by the Federal Office of Migration<br />

and Refugees in Germany (Haug, Müssig, Stichs 2009). A total of 6004 people were interviewed via telephone in the first half of 2008. The<br />

target population comprises persons aged 16 and over in private households in Germany in which lives at least one person with a migrant<br />

background from a predominantly Muslim country. In some cases, countries of origin are also included in spite of a lower proportion of<br />

the local Muslim population, when large numbers of persons from these countries immigrate to Germany, as in the case of migrants<br />

from the Russian Federation. The gross sample was taken from the telephone directory using the onomastic (name-related) procedure<br />

based on lists of names from the Ausländerzentralregister (AZR, Central Register of Foreigners) for the relevant countries of origin. About<br />

2000 interviews of women in working age between 16 and 64 are available for the analyses of this conference proposal.<br />

Gender gap? The divergent gender role attitudes of immigrant men and women<br />

Antje Roeder, <strong>Trinity</strong> <strong>College</strong> <strong>Dublin</strong>, Ireland<br />

Attitudes and practices on gender and sexuality are some of the most fundamental parts of a society’s normative system, and have been<br />

shown to differ vastly across the globe. Hence it is not surprising that debates around the integration of immigrants in their countries of<br />

residence are often linked to gender-related issues, which has been particularly salient in connection with the increasing numbers of<br />

Muslim migrants living in Europe, and is epitomised by the ongoing discussions in various European countries about the wearing of<br />

the hijab.<br />

92

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